"I came to the conclusion long ago … that all religions were true and also that all had some error in them, and whilst I hold by my own, I should hold others as dear as Hinduism … our innermost prayer should be a Hindu should be a better Hindu, a Muslim a better Muslim, a Christian a better Christian." --- Mahatma Gandhi (Young India: January 19, 1928)

"We talk about a secular state in India. It is perhaps not very easy even to find a good word in Hindi for ‘secular’. Some people think it means something opposed to religion. That obviously is not correct. What it means is that it is the state which honours all faiths equally and gives them equal opportunities; that, as a state, it does not allow itself to be attached to one faith or religion, which then becomes the state religion.” --- Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru (foreward to Dharma Nirapeksh Raj by Raghunath Singh)

"Secularism and democracy are the twin pillars of our State the very foundations of our society. From time immemorial, the vast majority of our people are wedded to concepts of secularism, religious tolerance, peace and humanity." --- Smt. Indira Gandhi's Address in Parliament on December 22, 1967

"Secularism is the bedrock of our nationhood, secularism as defined not in the English dictionaries, where it is defined as ‘non-religious’ or ‘anti-religious’, but secularism the way Panditji defined it as Sarva Dharma Samabhava which allows every religion to flourish in our country. Every community, every caste, every linguistic group must be allowed freedom to flourish, prosper and develop, yet they must be woven into one India, to a unified India. India is not just a mere geographic expression or a political entity. India dates back to thousands of years; the boundaries have changed, the politics have changed but still India has remained India. It is the thinking, it is the thought, it is an inner spirituality that makes India." --- Shri Rajiv Gandhi's speech 'Uphold Secular Values' at the National Symposium on India' Struggle Against Communalism on October 9, 1986.

AN EXTRACT FROM THE STORY OF THE INTEGRATION OF STATES BY V.P. MENON

“WHEN the British Government decided to transfer power to India, they no doubt found it the best solution of a difficult problem to declare that the paramountcy which they exercised over the Indian States would automatically lapse. The rulers generally welcomed this decision; and, after all, the parties directly concerned were the British Government and the rulers. Thus had the edifice, which the British themselves built up laboriously for more than 150 years, been demolished overnight! There were many well wishers, both British and American, conversant with the problem of the Indian States, who said at the time that the seriousness of the problem had not been appreciated at all outside India and that it was graver than any other that faced the country. Even in India there were very few who realized the magnitude of the threatened danger of balkanization.

It was easy enough for the British Parliament to declare the lapse of paramountcy, but could such a declaration wipe out the fundamentals on which paramountcy rested? With the departure of the British, the Government of India did not cease to be the supreme power in India. Essential defence and security requirements of the country and geographical and economic compulsions had not ceased to be operative; nor had the obligations of the Government of India to protect their territories against external aggression and to preserve peace and order throughout the country become any the less. Why else had the British Government themselves asserted time and Again in their relations with the Indian States that their supremacy was not based only upon treaties and engagements, but existed independently of them?

At the same time, there is no doubt that had paramountcy been transferred to a free India with all the obligations which had been assumed by the British Government under the various treaties, engagements and sanads, it would scarcely have been possible for us to have solved the problem of the Indian States in the way we did. By the lapse of paramountcy we were able to write on a clean slate unhampered by any obligations.

The weakest link in the princely chain was the existence of a large number of small States. Their rulers were naturally apprehensive about their future. The rulers of the bigger States, on the other hand, welcomed the lapse of paramountcy in the hope that they would be able to preserve their territorial integrity and have enough bargaining power to forge a satisfactory relationship with the Centre. What they failed to realize at the time was that the new Government of India could not possibly uphold the idea of autocracy in the States and that for their very existence the rulers had to have either the support of their people, or the protection of the Government of India. The former the rulers generally lacked; the latter had automatically terminated with the lapse of paramountcy.

Our first task to prevent the balkanization of the country and to stop any possible inveiglement of the States by Pakistan was to bring the States into some form of organic relationship with the Centre. This we did by means of the expedient of accession on three subjects, as well as a Standstill Agreement which kept alive the relations subsisting at the time between the States and the Government of India. The rulers were at first suspicious of this move, but most of them realized that, with the partition of the country, if they did not give their full support to the Government of India there was real danger that the country would be submerged in one big deluge. The rulers of the bigger States could have stood out and could have given us as much trouble, if not more, than Hyderabad or Junagadh. They certainly had their armies intact and their forces could — in some States at any rate — stand comparison in point of organization, equipment and efficiency with the Indian Army. It was indeed highly selfless and patriotic on the part of these rulers to have placed the wider interests of the country above their own. Some of them even went to the extent of lending us all their troops at a critical period regardless of their own internal security.

Gradually the realization dawned on them that after the advent of independence they would have no choice but to grant responsible government to their people, which meant that their own future would be governed by the whims of their ministries; but that, if they agreed to integration, their interests would be better safeguarded by the Government of India. Besides, they would be earning the goodwill of the country.

Fears regarding the likely attitude of popular ministries were not entirely groundless. Take the case of Kashmir: no sooner had Sheikh Abdullah secured complete power than he insisted that the Maharajah should stay out of the State. It was on Sardar's persuasion that the Maharajah agreed to do so, though reluctantly. The Government of India negotiated a settlement in regard to his Privy Purse and other matters. Sheikh Abdullah refused to honour the agreement and the Government of India is still paying the Privy Purse from its own coffers. No policy of a democratic government, however beneficial, can be wholly immune from criticism. The integration of the Indian States was no exception. There were some who accused the States Ministry of having 'stampeded' the rulers into the new order; there were others who were opposed to the integration of the so-called viable States, and not a few regretted the loss of the ruler's personal touch.

Normal development of political progress had been arrested in most of the States. Glaring disparity between the condition of the people and the urges of the times often results in revolutionary activities. There was a danger of local organizations of a revolutionary or communal character stepping into the breach and entrenching themselves in power. This we had to avoid at any cost if we were to establish stability and ordered government in the country. We had to act quickly while the situation was still in a fluid state.

The advocates of viable States could not have studied the geographical aspect of the problem. Even they conceded that the smaller States had to go. There were two courses open: to merge the small States in the provinces in which they were situated or to which they were contiguous; and, in cases where this was not possible, to merge them with the nearest large State. In the latter event, would we be justified in perpetuating the entity of the bigger State? This was exactly the problem which confronted us in Central India and Malwa, where a number of small States were embedded between the bigger States of Gwalior and Indore. Once we had integrated Gwalior, which was one of the five premier States in India, could we leave lesser viable States alone? Further, the viability of a State must have some relation to its revenue. There were only nineteen States which had revenue of Rs 1 crore and above and seven had revenue from Rs 50 lakh to Rs 1 crore. Rewa State, for instance, with revenue of nearly Rs 115 lakh had been declared as viable. But after surrendering a fair size of its revenue to the Centre for the administration of defence, external affairs and communications, could it provide adequate modern amenities and perform the functions of a Welfare State?”

“The merger agreements and covenants are bilateral documents. As Sardar very rightly remarked, the rulers discharged their part of the contract by surrendering their States and powers. They are now bereft of any bargaining power. Because a creditor is too weak or poor to enforce his rights, a debtor should not, in honour, refuse to discharge his debt. As an honourable party to an agreement, we cannot take the stand that we shall accept only that part of the settlement which confers rights on us, and repudiate or whittle down that part which defines our obligations. As a nation aspiring to give a moral lead to the world, let it not be said of us that we know the price of everything and the value of nothing'.

After integration, the rulers settled down and adjusted themselves to the new order of things. By reopening the question of the Privy Purse we are again unsettling them. No one can normally live apart from his environment. The rulers, many of them, have inherited very large families whose maintenance has been taxing their resources. In some cases marriages of girls and other ceremonies also constitute a heavy drain on their income. It would be asking too much of human nature to expect at least the present generation of rulers completely to forget their past. They cannot throw their hundreds of dependents and followers out on the streets simply because they have ceased to be rulers. If they turned them adrift without any provision, the social, economic and political repercussions, especially in the present state of unemployment, would be serious.

Sardar's attitude was certainly very different. He was definite that we should honour all the commitments which we had made to the rulers. He regarded them as 'co-architects' and was anxious to retain their goodwill, to utilize them as partners in the work of national consolidation and reconstruction.”

“In August 1947, when the transfer of power took place, very few could have conceived as possible the revolutionary change that was to come over the States within such a short time. Speaking in September 1948, Nehru confessed: Even I who have been rather intimately connected with the States People's movement for many years, if I had been asked six months ago what the course of developments would be in the next six months since then, I would have hesitated to say that such rapid changes would take place . . . The historian who looks back will no doubt consider this integration of the States into India as one of the dominant phases of India's history. By the time the Constitution came into force on 26 January 1950, we had integrated geographically all the States and brought them into the same constitutional relations with the Centre as the provinces. The administrative integration in the Unions was proceeding apace. The scheme of financial integration was already worked out and finalized and it was to come into operation within a few months. The Indian States Forces were to be absorbed into the Indian Army. By the partition India had lost an area of 364,737 square miles and a population of 81½ millions. By the integration of the States, we brought in an area of nearly 500,000 square miles with a population of 86½ millions (not including Jammu and Kashmir).

In the words of Sardar, 'the great ideal of geographical, political and economic unification of India, an ideal which for centuries remained a distant dream and which appeared as remote and as difficult of attainment as ever even after the advent of Indian independence' was consummated by the policy of integration.”

“The first elections under adult suffrage in all the States passed off without any hitch and resulted in a general victory for the Congress. This was mainly due to the remarkable hold of the organization on the people of the country and in particular, to Nehru's personal appeal to the masses. Even then, the Congress could not secure a clear majority in Travancore-Cochin, Madras, Orissa, Rajasthan and PEPSU. Later events have indicated the need for great vigilance. In most of the Part 'B' States the Congress Party is a house divided against itself. There are constant group erosions and internecine bickering, and the result is that the ministers have to spend a considerable portion of their time in consolidating their position vis-à-vis the party to the detriment of the administration.

Contemporary opinion has already anticipated the verdict of history in regard to the integration of the States. To have dissolved 554 States by integrating them into the pattern of the Republic; to have brought about order out of the nightmare of chaos whence we started, and to have democratized the administration in all the erstwhile States, should steel us on to the attainment of equal success in other spheres. For the first time India has become an integrated whole in the real sense of the term, though this is but the foundation on which to build a prosperous Welfare State. An amorphous mass of aspirations has to be integrated. Life has to be made meaningful for the millions who have led a twilight existence. New tracks must be laid for the questing spirit.

In the tasks that lie ahead, India would do well to remember the pregnant words of Sardar that 'it will be folly to ignore realities; facts take their revenge if they are not faced squarely and well.”

AN EXCERPT FROM A SPEECH BY THE LATE PRIME MINISTER RAJIV GANDHI

"It is not always realized how much effort is required to defend our national ideals. We cannot assume that just because the Constitution describes India as a socialist, secular, democratic republic, everybody accepts or follows secularism and socialism or democracy for that matter.

We all know of the continuing threat to our secular ideals from communal and fundamentalist elements. They tried unceasingly to weaken the secular base of our society by sowing suspicion between communities.

Strengthened by our national ideology, the overwhelming majority of the people refuse to be misled. Our basic philosophy has deep roots in our past and in the profound thinking and leadership of people like Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru. There can be no dilution of this philosophy; there will be no dilution of this philosophy.

Let me declare, here and now, that we shall not deviate. Let us make no mistake. The challenges that the country faces are no ordinary challenges. There are forces in the world who want to see India falter and be mired in internal squabbles. There are forces that actively encourage terrorism. There are forces that aim to deflect us from our chosen path.

These forces must be met squarely. The only way to do so is to place national interest above the interest of group, class or party.

That is what patriotism means"

Defending the Republic

JP Movement

India Since Independence : Bipan Chandra, Mridula Mukherjee and Aditya Mukherjee.

"Jayaprakash Narayan often accused Indira Gandhi of trying to destroy all democratic institutions and establish a Soviet –based dictatorship in her hunger for power. Her continuation in office, he said was ‘incompatible with the survival of democracy in the India’."

"The JP movement was flawed in many respects, in terms of both its composition and its actions and the character and philosophy of its leader. Jayaprakash Narayan was justly renowned for his integrity, lack of ambition for office, fearlessness, selflessness and the sacrifice and lifelong commitment to civil liberties and the establishment of a just social order. But, ideologically, he was vague.From the early 1950s he became a critic of parliamentary politics and parliamentary democracy. For years, he tried to popularise the concept of ‘partyless democracy’. During the 1974-75 he also advocated ‘Total Revolution’. Both concepts were unclear and bibulous and at no stage was he able to delineate or explain what a political system without political parties would involve or how would the popular will get expressed or implemented in it.Similarly, the socio-economic and political content,programme or policies of the Total Revolution were never properly defined. At the same time,JP was a democrat and not an authoritarian leader. Nor was the movement he led in 1974-75 yet authoritarian or fascist,but - and this is important - it was capable of creating a space for its fascist component."

"The nebulousness of JP’s politics and ideology is also illustrated by the fact that he took the support of political parties and groups which had nothing in common in terms of programme and policies and were ideologically incompatible. The JP movement came to include the communal Jan Sangh and Jamaat-i-Islami, the neo fascist RSS, the conservative and secular Congress (O), socialists and the extreme left Naxalite groups. Almost entirely negative in its approach, the movement could not fashion an alternative programme or politics expect that of overthrowing Indira Gandhi."

"The agitational methods adopted and propagated by the JP movement were also extra-constitutional and undemocratic. Going far beyond peaceful procession, demonstrations and public rallies, in Bihar as earlier in Gujarat, the tactic was to force the government to resign and the legislature to be dissolved by gheraoing government offices, the assembly and the governor and thus paralyse the government to and to intimidate and coerce individual elected legislators to resign from the assemblies. This tactic was to be repeated in June-July 1975 at the Centre.

More serious was JP’s incitement to the army, police and civil services to rebel. Several times during the course of the movement, he urged them not to obey orders that were ‘unjust and beyond the call of the duty’ or ‘illegal and unjust’ or ‘unconstitutional, illegal or against their conscience’."

Khalistan Movement

‘The Punjab Crisis’ by Dr Mohinder Singh in A Centenary History of the Indian National Congress Volume V (edited by Aditya Mukherjee)

“After shifting to a safe haven in the Akal Takht in the holy precincts of the Golden Temple, (Jarnail Singh) Bhindranwale ridiculed the state and state machinery and used contemptuous language for both the Congress and Akali leadership. In his daily sermons he preached the ideology of hate which inspired his gun-toting young followers, popularly called Kharkus, who killed all those whom they perceived as enemies of Khalistan. Bhindranwale and his men became self-appointed moral police and started prescribing dress codes for school boys and girls, norms of behaviour for police and bureaucracy.”

“With the help of Major-General Shahbeg Singh, Bhindranwale succeeded in fortifying the Golden Temple complex to pre-empt any move to eject him from his safe haven. After having fortified himself, Bhindranwale sent instructions to his men to eliminate all those who dared to oppose his ideology and actions. It is unfortunate that Mr (Gurcharan Singh) Tohra and lieutenants in the SGPC did not stop Bhindranwale and his gun-toting young men from occupying Guru Nanak Niwas and later occupying and fortifying the Akal Takht complex, both of which were under the control of the SGPC.

A campaign for defiance of the established law was jointly launched by Bhindranwale and splinter groups of the Akali Dal, All India Sikh Students Federation led by Bhai Amrik Singh and protégés of Dr Ganga Singh Dhillon, Dr Jagjit Singh Chauhan and other self proclaimed promoters of Khalistan abroad. Beginning with housting of Kesri flag, a symbol of the republic of Khalistan during the Hola Mohalla festival in Anandpur in March 1984, issuing of Khalistan passports and currency, these groups together created chaotic conditions where Bhindranwale and his supporters started challenging the authority of the state. Editors and correspeondents of newspapers opposing Bhindranwale became special targets of terrorist groups.”

“It seems by this time, Akali leaders were no longer in control of the situation. Rather than immediately responding to Mrs Gandhi’s call (to call of their non-cooperation agitation), Akali leaders decided to follow the policy of inaction, which resulted in the tragic events of June 1984, known as Operation Blue Star. Whether this was a ‘pre-meditated plan’, ‘an act of vengeance’, ‘failure of intelligence’ or a ‘fatal miscalculation’, the action greatly disturbed the common Sikh masses.”

“Realising the gravity of the situation, Mrs (Indira) Gandhi tried her best to assuage the hurt feelings of the Sikhs. In an exercise of damage control, the Government got the Akal Takht quickly repaired through Baba Santa Singh, the Nihang chief. In keeping with the wishes of devotees, army was withdrawn from Golden Temple complex as soon as there was there was some semblance of normalcy. Mrs Gandhi visited the Golden Temple escorted by Beant Singh, among others, her Sikh bodyguard who she refused to drop from her inner security ring, against advice from concerned quarters as she believed this would have been against the secular principles of the Indian state.”

“On the morning of October 31st, Beant Singh (38) and Satwant Singh (21) opened fire on Mrs Gandhi and pumped 18 bullets into her frail body.”

“The assassination of Indira Gandhi, like that of Mahatma Gandhi, was the result of ideology of hate propagated over the years by communal forces. To check the spread of the communal virus, we need to launch a long-term ideological war based upon the secular principles of the Indian National Congress.”

“..Sikh history has come a full circle --- from November 1984, when the Sikhs were hiding their identity and taking shelter in safe havens, to May 2004 when Dr Manmohan Singh, a turbaned Sikh, was elected to the highest executive office of the Prime Minister of the world’s largest democracy..”

“In keeping with the spirit of Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh’s intervention in the Lok Sabha during the Nanavati Commission’s Report in the Parliament on 11th August 2005, wherein he described the anti-Sikh riots as ‘a human tragedy and a national shame,’ Sikhs should seek refuge in the Guru Granth Sahib, their Guru Eternal: ho-ay ikatar miluhu mayray bha-ee dubiDhaa door karahu liv laa-ay.

(Come and join together my siblings of destiny, dispel your sense of duality and let yourself be lovingly absorbed in the Lord) Guru Granth Sahib, Mahla 5 p.1185)"

EQUITABLE GROWTH ACROSS STATES (SPECIAL DEVELOPMENT NEEDS)

The Congress-led UPA government has always given priority to the special development needs of areas like the North Eastern states of India and Jammu and Kashmir.

- Infrastructure Projects in North East

Over the last couple of years, 106 infrastructure projects, at an estimated cost of Rs 1,089.22 crore were sanctioned for North Eastern states and an additional Rs 798.99 crore were released under the Non-Lapsable Pool of Resources Scheme (NLCPR).

Carrying forward the UPA pledge to ensure electrification of every single village in India, in 2011-12, cumulatively, works in 11,250 un-electrified villages and intensive electrification in 16,336 already electrified villages in the North East have been completed. Moreover, free electricity connections have been provided to 10.54 lakh rural BPL households under the Rajiv Gandhi Grameen Vidyutikaran Yojana.

Memorandum of Settlement was signed with the United People’s Democratic Solidarity of Karbi Anglong in Assam, thus defusing a long-festering problem in the region. The Naga peace talks are continuing as is the ceasefire with all factions of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland.

- Peace, tourism returns to Kashmir

Like the North Eastern states, where there has been a discernible reduction in incidents of violence, the state after two years of an unprecedented tourism boom, is now witnessing a third successive year of tourist influx into the region. A large number of pilgrims are visiting the state as well.

As peace returns to the valley after decades of turmoil, the UPA government is trying to ensure the return and rehabilitation of Kashmiri migrants. Implementation of a package of Rs 1,618 crore, has been announced by the Prime Minister for return and rehabilitation of Kashmiri migrants.

Against the target of constructing 495 units of transit accommodation, 335 units have been completed. Against 3,000 supernumerary posts created for Kashmiri migrant youths, appointment orders for 2,169 candidates have been issued and 1,441 have joined.

Work is in progress for constructing 5,242 two-room tenements in Jammu for Kashmiri migrants, at a cost of Rs 385 crore. All the flats are likely to be completed mid 2013.

The Special Task Force for Jammu Region has recommended short duration projects costing nearly Rs 500 crore. Similarly, STF for Ladakh Region has recommended short term projects costing Rs 415 crore. In the Union Budget 2011-12, Special Plan Assistance of Rs 150 crore and Rs 100 crore has been made for the infrastructural needs of Jammu and Ladakh regions respectively.

The government has approved resettlement and rehabilitation of around 10,000 families living in and around Dal and Nageen Lake in Srinagar at a cost of Rs 356 crore.

For implementation of the Pakal Dul (1,000 MW), Kwar (520 MW) and Kiru (600 MW) projects in the Chenab basin, an MoU has been signed between the National Hydroelectric Power Corporation Ltd, Jammu & Kashmir State Power Development Corporation, Power Trading Corporation and a joint venture company. In J&K, 105 un-electrified and 1,777 partially electrified villages have been electrified and BPL connections have been provided to 30,353 families until 31 March 2012.

Democracy returned at the grassroots level in the state when after a long gap, Panchayat elections were held peacefully in J&K; it received an overwhelming response from the people with more than 80% voter turnout.

- Himayat and Udaan

A set of special initiatives, including the Skill Empowerment and Employment Scheme called 'Himayat' and the Special Industry Initiative, known as 'Udaan' have been launched for the youth of Jammu and Kashmir.

While 'Himayat' would be covering one lakh youth in the next 5 years at a cost of Rs 235 crore, 'Udaan' aims at targeting 40,000 youth for skill development with a total budget of Rs 1,000 crore for 5 years. More than 1,000 trainees have already been given placement letters in different sectors

EXCERPTS FROM OPENING REMARKS BY CONGRESS PRESIDENT SMT. SONIA GANDHI AT CONGRESS CHIEF MINISTERS' MEETING, 23-24 SEPTEMBER 2006, NAINITAL, UTTARANCHAL

Terrorism

The continuing terrorist attacks in different parts of the country are naturally a source of serious concern. Clearly, our entire intelligence system has to be upgraded. This task must be carried out with diligence and urgency.

The central government should also enable each state to have a fully-equipped, properly-trained and highly-motivated anti-terrorism force.

Anti-social and anti-national elements will have to be clearly identified, isolated and dealt with a firm hand. Effective police action, free from social bias and political pressure, is essential to deal with any organization that disturbs communal harmony.

But if it is to be sustainable, such police action must sensitise and mobilize local communities as well. Tough anti-terrorist actions should not lead to polarization of our society. Our party organization must actively be alert to this. While recognising that there can be no compromise on internal security, we must make sure that no community feels itself under siege or as automatic target of suspicion.

Naxalism

Naxalism is both a socio-economic phenomenon as well as a law-and-order issue. Administration in tribal areas particularly, has to be made more responsive and effective. Laws and regulations that are in place to protect the interests of tribal families, must be implemented in letter and spirit.

The fact that Naxalism is a multi-state challenge has given rise to a view that the Centre should take on a more proactive role while states retain the primary responsibility. What that role should be needs to be discussed and clearly spelt out.

Northeast

The situation in some areas of the Northeast too cause us great anguish. The enormous economic potential of these areas is not being realized because of persisting insurgency and militancy and because of ethnic violence.

I am convinced that if we are able to ensure that the benefits of development projects are visible and reach the people, we can weaken the hold of militant groups. We must also ensure that the Autonomous District Councils function effectively and fulfill the aspirations of the people for whom they are intended.

Jammu & Kashmir

The Prime Minister and the Chief Minister will be briefing us on the current situation in Jammu and Kashmir. The coalition government there is striving to maintain the tempo of development. I trust the Prime Minister's Reconstruction Package announced some two years back is being implemented seriously. In addition a number of measures have been taken to increase people-to-people contact across the Line of Control.

As a political party, the Congress has been constant in advocating a dialogue with Pakistan. When we were in Opposition also, we supported the NDA in their dialogue with Pakistan on all issues including Jammu & Kashmir. While welcoming the resumption of the peace process announced just a few days back, let me echo the Prime Minister's own sentiment that we continue to have serious concerns over terrorist attacks that are carried out in J&K and other parts of the country by Pakistan-based outfits.

Border Management

Crucial to our success in maintaining internal security will be an effective border management policy. Our northeast Chief Ministers have expressed their concerns. Our borders will not be allowed to be used as corridors for the free movement of terrorists.

Police Reforms

The police forces in all states is in the frontline of preserving internal security. They must be enabled to function in an autonomous manner subject to checks and balances that are an inherent feature of a democratic society.

The basic needs of police personnel and their families must be met and their working conditions improved. Modernisation of the police force also needs to be carried out even as we take steps to ensure that the force has a heightened sensitivity to human rights.

Peoples Participation

The responsibility for maintaining internal security and law and order is that of the government. Its capacity to discharge that responsibility in a effective manner has to be constantly upgraded. At the same time, we need to think of how people themselves can be made partners in this process. Our own experience shows that by so doing, misguided elements can be won over and forces inimical to social peace and harmony isolated.