PANDIT JAWAHARLAL NEHRU’S SPEECH AT THE CONFERENCE OF NON-ALIGNMENT NATIONS, BELGRADE, 2 SEPTEMBER 1961

"It was a happy and wise thought of the sponsors of this conference to have convened it. Our meeting would have been important in any event but it has become more important because of the developments of the last two or three months when we have been made aware of the abyss stretching out before and below us.

This conference would have attracted attention in the normal course, but that attention is much more because we meet at the time of this particular crisis in human history.

Today everything, including the struggle against imperialism, colonialism and racialism, which is important and to which reference has been made repeatedly here, is overshadowed by this crisis. Therefore, it becomes inevitable for us to pay attention to this crisis which confronts humanity. The great powers also watch us.

We call ourselves non-aligned countries. The word 'non aligned' may be differently interpreted, but basically it was coined and used with the meaning of being non-aligned with the great power blocs of the world. “Non-aligned” has negative meaning. But if we give it a positive connotation it means nations which object to lining up for war purposes, to military blocs, to military alliances and the like. We keep away from such an approach and we want to throw our weight in favour of peace. In effect, therefore, when there is a crisis involving the possibility of war, the very fact that we are unaligned should stir us to feel that more than ever it is up to u to do whatever we can to prevent such a calamity coming down upon us.

If in this crisis some action of ours helps to remove the fear of war, then we have justified and strengthened ourselves. I know that the key to the situation does not lie in the hands of this conference, it lies essentially in the hands of the two great powers, the United States of America and the Soviet Union. Nevertheless, this conference or rather the countries which are represented in this conference are not so help' that they look on while war is declared and the world is destroyed. The time, the place and the occasion are now and here to take up the question of war and peace and make it our own and show to the world that we stand for peace and that, so far as we can, we shall fight for it in the ways open to us. The power of nations assembled here is not military power or economic power; nevertheless it is power. Call it moral force. It does make a difference obviously what we in our combined wisdom feel and think about this issue of war and peace.

Some six, seven or eight years ago, non-alignment was a rare phenomenon. A few countries here and there asked about it arid other countries rather made fun of it or at any rate did not take it seriously. ‘Non-alignment:' What is this? You must be on this side or that,—that was the argument. That .argument is dead today. The whole course of history of the last few years has shown a growing opinion spread in favour of the concept of non-alignment. Why? Because it was in tune with the course of events; it was in tune with the thinking of the vast numbers of people, whether the country concerned was non-aligned or not, because they hungered passionately for peace and did not like this massing up of vast armies and nuclear bombs on either side. Therefore, their minds turned to those countries who refused to line up.

We have arrived at a position today where there is no choice left between an attempt between negotiations for peace or war. If people, refuse to negotiate, they must inevitably go to war. I am amazed that rigid and proud attitudes are taken up by the great countries as being too high and mighty to negotiate for peace. I submit that it is not their prestige which is involved in such attitudes but the future of the human race. It is our duty and function to say that they must negotiate.

I believe firmly that the only possible way to solve many of these problems ultimately is complete disarmament. I consider disarmament an absolute necessity for the peace of the world. I think that without disarmament the present difficulties, fears and conflicts will continue. We cannot expect to achieve disarmament suddenly even if this conference wants it. For the present moment the only thing which we can do is to lay stress on the need to negotiate with a view to getting over these fears and dangers. If that is done, the next and other steps follow.

I would venture to say that it is not for us to lay down what should be done in regard to Germany or Berlin which is the immediate cause of the present tension. It seems to me obvious that certain facts of life should be recognized. There are two independent entities: the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany and the Government of the German Democratic People's Republic.

As things stand, we find the great City of Berlin divided by what might be regarded an international frontier. It is a very awkward situation, but there it is. West Berlin is very closely allied to West Germany and to Western countries and they have had access to it. I am glad that Mr Khrushchev himself has indicated that that access will not be limited and it will be open to them as it is now. If that is made perfectly clear and guaranteed by all concerned, I should imagine that one of the major fears and causes of conflict will be removed. I am merely putting this forward to indicate how some of the big things which are troubling the people are capable of solution even if the entire problem is not solved.

The most important thing for the world today is for the great powers directly concerned to meet together and negotiate with a will to peace. And if this conference throws its weight in favour of such an approach, it will be a positive step which we take in order to help.

May I say that the danger of war coming nearer has been enhanced perhaps by the recent decision of the Soviet Government to start nuclear tests? I regret it deeply because; it may well lead to the other countries also starting the tests, and apart from the inherent danger of nuclear fall-outs, this brings us to the very verge of the precipice of war. Therefore, it has become even more urgent that the process of negotiation should begin without any delay.

I should like to refer briefly to some of our other problems. Many of the countries represented here have only recently become independent. They have tremendous problems and have, above all, the problem of making good economically and socially, because most of these countries are under-developed. It is right and proper that the affluent countries should help in this process. They have to some extent done so. I think they should do more in this respect, but ultimately the burden will lie on the people of the countries themselves. This problem has to be faced by each one of our countries.

The most fundamental fact of the world today is the development of new and mighty forces. We have to think in terms of the new world. There is no doubt that imperialism and the old-style colonialism wll vanish. Yet the new forces may help others to dominate in other ways over us, and certainly the under-developed and the backward. Therefore, we cannot afford to be backward.

We have to build in our own countries societies where freedom is real. Freedom is essential, because freedom will give us strength and enable us to build prosperous societies. These are for us basic problems. When we think in terms of these basic problems, war becomes an even greater folly than ever. If we cannot prevent war, all our problems suffer and we cannot deal with them. But if we can prevent war, we can go ahead in solving our other problems. We can help to liberate the parts of the world under colonial and imperial rule and we can build up our own free, prosperous societies in our respective countries. That is positive work for us to do. Therefore, I venture to submit to this assembly that we must lay the greatest stress on the removal of this major danger of war today. Not only is this incumbent on us but if we do this we shall be in line with the thinking of millions and millions of people. Non-alignment has received strength from the fact that millions of people are not aligned and that they do not want war.

Let us use this strength rightly, with courtesy and with a friendly approach so that we may influence those who have the power of war and peace in their hands. Let us try, if not to prevent war for all time, to push it away so that in the meantime the world may learn the ways of mutual co-operation."

“The success of the freedom movement in Bangla Desh has now become a war on India due to the adventurism of the Pakistan military machine. It has imposed upon my people and my Government the imperative responsibility of safeguarding our security and territorial integrity. We are left with no other option but to put our country on a war footing.” Smt Indira Gandhi in her letter to US President Richard Nixon (5 December 1971)

Reign of Terror in East Pakistan

In the 1970 elections in Pakistan, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s Awami League won 167 out of 169 seats in East Pakistan, securing a simple majority in the 313-member Pakistan Parliament. Agitations broke out in East Pakistan after Zulfikar Ali Bhutto refused to yield the premiership of the country to Sheikh Rahman.

On 7 March, Sheikh Rahman delivered a historic speech at the Race Course in Dhaka in which he said, “Our struggle is for our freedom. Our struggle is for our independence.“

President Yahya Khan ordered the Pakistani Army, which was dominated by West Pakistanis, to suppress the dissent in the Bangla-speaking areas. The Awami League was banished, and many members fled into exile in India.

Sheikh Rahman was arrested on the night of 25–26 March 1971 and taken to West Pakistan. The next action carried out was Operation Searchlight, an attempt to kill the intellectual elite of the east.

In order to escape the ethnic cleansing being carried out by the Pakistani Army and extremist groups, around 10 million East Pakistanis fled to India.

The Chief Martial Law Administrator of East Pakistan, General Tikka Khan, instructed his officers to claim every piece of land even if it meant killing every citizen who came in the way.

Within West Pakistan, there was a surge in anti-India jingoism. Throughout November 1971, thousands of people led by West Pakistani politicians marched across West Pakistan, calling for Pakistan to ‘Crush India’.

India Provides Shelter and Support to Bangla Refugees

The Government of India opened the border to allow refugees safe shelter. Even though the sudden arrival of such a large number of refugees placed a tremendous strain on India’s already overburdened economy, the Government of India as well as the concerned state government spared no efforts in taking care of the refugees.

The governments of West Bengal, Bihar, Assam, Meghalaya and Tripura established refugee camps along the border.

The Indian government repeatedly appealed to the international community, but failing to elicit any response, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi on 27 March 1971 expressed full support of her government for the independence struggle of the people of East Pakistan.

Prime Minister Smt. Indira Gandhi’s Decisive Leadership

The Indian leadership under Prime Minister Gandhi quickly decided that it was more effective to end the genocide by taking armed action against Pakistan than to simply give refuge to those who made it across to refugee camps.

Exiled East Pakistan army officers and members of the Indian Intelligence services immediately started using these camps for recruitment and training of Mukti Bahini guerrillas. “As we have already learned how to sacrifice our own lives, now no one can stop us!” said Sheikh Rahman.

On the evening of 3 December, at about 5:40 pm the Pakistani Air Force launched attacked eleven airfields in Northern India, which marked the official beginning of the war. Prime Minister Smt. Indira Gandhi addressed the nation, calling the attacks a declaration of war against India. The Indian Air Force responded to the Pakistani attack soon after.

This involved Indian forces in a massive coordinated air, sea, and land assault. Indian Air Force started flying sorties against Pakistan from midnight. The main Indian objective on the western front was to prevent Pakistan from entering Indian soil.

India made it a point to ensure that it didn’t extend the attack to a full scale offensive into West Pakistan. This show of restrain even when faced with blatant aggression gave India the moral edge.

However, on the Eastern front the aim of the Indian forces and the Mukti Bahini cadres was the liberation of East Pakistan.

The Indian armed forces fought heroically and repelled the Pakistani attack on both the fronts. In fact, the Pakistani armed forces began suffering heavy reverses.

Bangladesh Is Born

When Pakistan's defeat in the eastern sector seemed certain, US President Nixon deployed Task Force 74 led by the aircraft carrier USS Enterprise into the Bay of Bengal. The Enterprise and its escort ships arrived on station on 11 December 1971. In response, the Soviet Navy dispatched two groups of cruisers and destroyers and a submarine armed with nuclear missiles from Vladivostok in support of India. They trailed U.S. Task Force 74 into the Indian Ocean from 18 December 1971 until 7 January 1972 to help ward off the threat posed by USS Enterprise task force in the Indian Ocean.

Dhaka fell on 15 December. Celebrations erupted across East Pakistan. “Dacca (Dhaka) is now the capital of a free country,” Indira ji announced in her address to the Parliament announcing the victory in the war.

The Instrument of Surrender of Pakistani forces stationed in East Pakistan was signed in Dhaka at 16.31 IST on 16 December 1971, by Lieutenant General Jagjit Singh Aurora, General Officer Commanding-in-chief of Eastern Command of the Indian Army and Lieutenant General A. A. K. Niazi, Commander of Pakistani forces in East Pakistan.

As Lt. General Aurora accepted the surrender, the surrounding crowds on the race course began shouting anti-Niazi and anti-Pakistan slogans. India took approximately 90,000 prisoners of war, including Pakistani soldiers and their East Pakistani civilian supporters.

The victory was not just a military triumph but a moral and political one as well. The bifurcation of Pakistan marked the defeat of the idea on which the nation was based: that religious communities constituted separate nations and religion alone can be a binding force for a nation. It also marked a triumph of India’s pluralistic and democratic ideals over autocratic rule.

Speaking at a public meeting in Delhi on 10 January 1972, Sheikh Rahman said "Your government, army and people have displayed a level of compassion and assistance which the people of Bangladesh will never forget. Shrimati Gandhi has done everything possible all over the world to make sure that I am safe. Personally, I am grateful to her. My seventy-five million people are grateful to her and her government.”