I have occasion frequently these days to participate in functions marking the inauguration of some new work or completion of some other. Today, you and I and all these persons have gathered here on one such occasion. I want to know from you what you think and feel in your minds and hearts on this occasion, because in my heart and mind there is a strange exhilaration and excitement, and many kinds of pictures come before me. Many dreams we have dreamt are today drawing near and being materialized. For the materialization of these dreams, we may praise one another, and those who have done good work should be praised. But how many can be praised when the list runs to thousands, nay, lakhs?

Let us give praise where it is due. The work which we see today, and in the inauguration of which we are participating, is much bigger than our individual selves. It is a tremendous thing. I have told you that I, and undoubtedly many of you, have frequent occasion to participate in various functions. A foundation stone is laid somewhere; a building, a hospital, a school or a university is opened elsewhere. Big factories are going up. Such activity is taking place all over the country because Mother India is producing various kinds of things. Among them, Bhakra-Nangal has a special place—Bhakra Nangal where a small village stood, but which today is a name ringing in every corner of India and in some parts of the world too; because this is a great work, the mark of a great enterprise.

About fifty years ago, an Englishman came here and for the first time had the idea that something could be done at this place, but the idea did not materialize. The matter was raised many times. Some rough plans were made but they were not pursued. Then India became free. In the process, the Punjab suffered a great shock and a grievous wound. But despite the shock and the wound, freedom brought a new strength, a new enthusiasm. And so with the wound, the worries and calamities, came this new enthusiasm and new strength to take up this big work. And we took it up. I have come here frequently. Many of you also must have come and seen this slowly changing picture and felt something stirring deep within you. What a stupendous, magnificent work—a work which only that nation can take up which has faith and boldness! This is a work which does not belong only to the Punjab, or PEPSU or the neighbouring States, but to the whole of India.

India has undertaken other big works which are not much smaller than this. Damodar Valley, Hirakud and the big projects of the South are going on apace. Plans are being made every day because we are anxious to build a new India as speedily as possible, to lead it forward, to make it strong and to remove the poverty of its people. We are doing all this, and Bhakra-Nangal in many respects will be one of the greatest of these works, because a very big step in this direction is being taken here today after years of endeavour. Every work we complete in India gives fresh strength to the nation to undertake new tasks. Bhakra-Nangal is a landmark not merely because the water will flow here and irrigate large portions of' the Punjab, PEPSU, Rajasthan and fertilize the deserts of Rajasthan, or because enough electric power will be generated here to run thousands of factories and cottage industries which will provide work for the people and relieve unemployment. It is a landmark because it has become the symbol of a nation's will to march forward with strength, determination and courage. That is why, seeing this work, my courage and strength have increased, because nothing is more encouraging than to capture our dreams and give them real shape.

Just before coming to Nangal, I was in Bhakra where the Dam is being built. I stood on the banks of the Sutlej and saw the mountains to the right and left. Far away, at various spots, people were working. Since it was a holiday, there was not much work going on, for all the people had come here. Still there were a few persons working. From a distance they looked very small against the mighty-looking mountain through which a tunnel was being bored. The thought came to me that it was these very men who had striven against the mountains and brought them under control.

What is now complete is only half the work. We may celebrate its completion but we must remember that the most difficult part still remains to be done—the construction of the Dam about which you have heard so much. Our engineers tell us that probably nowhere else in the world is there a dam as high as this. The work bristles with difficulties and complications. As I walked round the site I thought that these days the biggest temple and mosque and gurdwara is the place where man works for the good of mankind. Which place can be greater than this, this Bhakra-Nangal, where thousands and lakhs of men have worked, have shed their blood and sweat and laid down their lives as well? Where can be a greater and holier place than this, which we can regard as higher?

Then again it struck me that Bhakra-Nangal was like a big university where we can work and while working learn, so that we may do bigger things. The nation is marching forward and every day the pace becomes faster. As we learn the work and gain experience, we advance with greater speed. Bhakra-Nangal is not a work of this moment only, because the work which we are doing at present is not only for our own times but for coming generations and future times.

Another thought came to my mind when I saw the Sutlej. Where has it come from? What course has it traversed to reach here? Do you know where the Sutlej springs from? It rises near Mount Kailash in the vicinity of Mansarovar. The Indus rises near by. The Brahmaputra also flows from that place in a different direction, reaching India and Pakistan after traversing thousands of miles. Other rivers rise from places near by and flow from Tibet towards China. So the Sutlej traverses hundreds of miles through the Himalayas to reach here and we have tried to control her in a friendly way. You have seen the two big diversion channels. At present the whole river has been channelled through one canal. After the rains we will divert the river completely in the two channels so that the dam might be built there.

I look far, not only towards Bhakra-Nangal, but towards this our country, India, whose children we are. Where is she going? Where have we to lead her, which way have we to walk and what mighty tasks have we to undertake? Some of these will be completed in our lifetime. Others will be taken up and completed by those who come after us. The work of a nation or a country is never completed. It goes on and no one can arrest its progress—the progress of a living nation. We have to press forward. The question is which way we have to take, how we should proceed, what principles, what objectives we have to keep before us. All these big questions crop up. This is not an occasion to tell you about them but we have to remember them always and not forget them. When we undertake a big work we have to do so with a large heart and a large mind. Small minds or small-minded nations cannot undertake big works. When we see big works our stature grows with them, and our minds open out a little.

This Draft Outline is only an outline, but it covers the whole progress of the Indian nation. I shall try to deal with some major aspects of this plan, particularly what could be called its strategy.

Although a great deal of thought has been given to it by the Planning Commission and the Commission has consulted advisers, experts and others in this country and from outside, we do not approach this question with any sense of finality or with any desire to appear rigid in our approach.

There is, however, certainly some rigidity about the ideals we aim at, because there must be some fixity. If we want India to progress, if we want India to be prosperous and if we want to raise the standards of India, we want a socialist society in India. There is no lack of firmness about that. But we do not aim at any rigid or doctrinaire form of socialism.

So far as this particular Plan is concerned, it flows from and is a projection of the Second Plan which itself came after the First. The Second Plan was roughly double the First Plan. And the Third, again, is much larger. Most of the objectives mentioned in this Plan will be found to be mentioned in the Second. Therefore so far as our objectives are concerned, they have been consistently placed before this I louse and the public. Very briefly they are: a rise in the national income of over 5 per cent per annum; achievement of self-sufficiency in food grains, and increased agricultural production lot industry and export; expansion of basic industries like steel, fuel, power and machine-building; utilization of the manpower resources of the country and expansion of employment opportunities; reduction of inequalities in income and wealth and a more even distribution of economic power.

The Third Five Year Plan, in fact, has become for us not some kind of a book to read but a picture of a vast nation advancing forward in certain pre-determined directions to pre-determined goals. Planning therefore consists in having an objective—not only an immediate objective but a more distant objective. We cannot plan only for tomorrow; we have to plan for years, and in the case of a nation we have to plan for generations. Therefore planning means perspective planning.

A country which wants to progress wants to progress in a hundred ways. We have therefore to take into consideration the order of preference—what is first, what is secondhand what is third. There are so many things we want to do in India, and we want to do them quickly and passionately. The question of finding the proper way to reach a certain goal becomes important. Suppose you want to build a steel plant. You can buy it, of course; but even so you have to train the people who have got to run it.

Advance in technology means a general advance in such training and education as are necessary for-the purpose in a widespread way. It is not a question of putting up a plant here or there; it is a question of building lip from below a nation used to thinking in terms of technical change and technical advance. It becomes a problem of mass education. The countries which had the Industrial Revolution had perforce to go in for free and compulsory education; not that they liked it. They were forced to go in for it because they could not support the structure of industrialization without mass education.

We have to industrialize our country and introduce new techniques both in industry and in agriculture. We can do it, in a way, by buying machines and technical experience from abroad and asking the experts to put up the machines and work them here. This has been the normal method. That is how, for example, the railways came here a hundred years ago to change the face of India. This is all right in the beginning of a process but if we want, to do it steadily, we have to do it ourselves and not always buy from America or Russia either the skills or the machines. We have to build up the skills and we have to build up the machines here.

I confess that we lost a good deal by not putting up a steel plant under the First Five Year Plan. We did not have the courage to take that burden then but if we had shown a little courage, it would have been well for us in the Second Plan and now. In the Second Plan therefore we wore forced to have three new plants, which have been a tremendous burden on us. We have borne it, and of the three plants, two are completed and the other is nearing completion. There are also some other heavy plants that we have put up, particularly the machine-building plant which is gradually taking shape.

The beginning of industrialization really can now be seen in India. A number of textile mills in Ahemedabad or Bombay or Kanpur is not industrialization; it is merely playing with it. I do not object to textile mills; we need them; but our idea of industrialization will be limited, cribbed, cabined and confined by thinking of these ordinary textile mills and calling it industrialization. Industrialization produces machines, it produces steel, it produces power. They are the base. Once you have that base, it is easy to build. But for a backward country, even to build that base is a difficult task. We have not finished building the base but we have put a good part of the base and we can now look forward with some confidence to a more rapid advance which could never have happened without that base, however much we might have built the smaller industries.’ We would always have to depend on outside aid. Indeed we have had troubles in regard to foreign exchange and they are likely to continue. We can never get rid of the foreign exchange troubles without having heavy industry in our country. Unless we start from the base, we cannot build the third or fourth storey. We can advance in minor sectors of the economy, but if we do not build the basic structure, it will not make any difference to the hundreds of millions of our people. The strategy governing planning in India is to industrialize, and that means the basic industries being given the first place.

Having laid great stress on industrialization, we have to look in the direction of agriculture. We shall find that this industrial progress cannot be made without agricultural advance and progress. The fact is that the two cannot be separated. They are intimately connected because agricultural progress is not possible without industry, without tools, without the new methods and techniques. There is no question of giving priority to agriculture. Everyone knows that unless we are self-sufficient in agriculture we cannot have the where:- withal to advance in industries. If we have to import food, then we are doomed so far as progress is concerned. We cannot import food and machinery.

Inevitably, whether it is agriculture or industry, training of personnel counts. It is the trained human being that makes a nation-not all the machinery in the world. It is he who makes the machines-not the machine die man. So we have to have general training and specialized technical training.

We cannot live on iron and steel. We have to produce other commodities. For this purpose, we have to encourage, in every way, the small and medium industry. I am glad to say that in spite of our concentration on basic industries, small and medium industries arc spreading fast in India. This is of considerable importance.

We do not put forward the Draft Outline as something perfect. We may change it here and there. I think hon. Members here and most people outside readily accept the strategy of the Plan and even most of the details. The real problem before India is one of implementation and not one of laying down policies. It is important not merely to lay down policies but to have satisfactory audits of performance. The real thing is not the spending of money but what that has produced.

The record of the first two Plans, even though sometimes criticized, is a fairly remarkable record of achievement. It did not, in some matters, come up to what we wanted it to be but it is nevertheless a very creditable record, whether it is transport, communications, steel, fuel, power and scientific and technological research. In fact the whole of Indian economy has arrived at the threshold of accelerated growth. It can grow much faster if we keep it pushing. In a moment like this, if we slacken at all we shall lose all the advantage we have gained.

As you know, our population in 1961 would presumably have gone up by about 70 million compared to 1951. Why has it gone up? Because we are a much healthier nation. The expectation of life ten years ago was 32. Today it is 42.

As you know, our population in 1961 would presumably have gone up by about 70 million compared to 1951. Why has it gone up? Because we are a much healthier nation. The expectation of life ten years ago was 32. Today it is 42.

The national income over the First and Second Plans has gone up by 42 per cent and the per capita income by 20 per cent. A legitimate query is made: where has this gone? To some extent, of course, you can see where it has gone. I address large gatherings in the villages and I can see that people are better fed, better clothed, they build brick houses and they are generally better. Nevertheless, that does not apply to everybody in India. Some people probably have hardly benefited. Some people may even be facing various difficulties. The fact remains, however, that this advance in our national income and in our per capita income has taken place.

We have to avoid and prevent too much accumulation of wealth. If, after all this additional income, only five per cent or 10 per cent of the population have benefited by it and 90 per cent have not, that is not a good result. We cannot of course even it out. That is not possible. But it is desirable to make the benefits spread.

Some people may say, “Why such a big plan? Have a small plan.” There are certain minimum objectives that we have to reach. There is no escape from them. As a matter of fact, there used to be some people who criticized our planning on the ground that it was ambitious. Hardly anybody says that now. The realization has gradually come about that by the compulsion of events and circumstances and our own needs, we must plan in a relatively big way. Even the toughest and the most cautious of people in the Western world have come to the conclusion that our Plan is not ambitious; it is rather on the low side.

Though from the point of view of the advancement of India the Plan is not very big yet from the point of view of our resources it is big undoubtedly, and it requires a tremendous effort on our part to raise these resources and to work hard to achieve our aims. It is proposed that almost the least that we should have is an advance in the national income of five to six per cent per annum. It should not go below five. And the rate of investment should be stepped up from 11 to 14 per cent. All this requires social development.

Take education. It is proposed in the Plan to spread out education—free and compulsory education—to all boys and girls of the age-group 6 to 11. Under our Constitution it should have been up to 14 years and it should have boon done within the first ten years. But we have been unable to do that, although the spread of education has been vast. At the present moment there are, I believe, 45 million boys and girls in the schools and colleges in India. It is a very ’large figure.

If we could do what we intend to do in regard to education in India, we would have 100 million teachers and taught in India. That is about 25 per cent of the total population!

The charge is often made: you talk about socialism and yet you permit grave inequalities of income; you want to put a ceiling on land holdings and yet you oppose ceiling on urban or other incomes. There is that contradiction, I admit. But if we try to remove that type of contradiction, we put a stop in many ways to the type of progress we are aiming at. If you are not prepared to change completely the whole basis of society, you have to leave enough incentive for people to work. You can, by taxation, etc., reduce disparities. But enforcing ceilings on urban incomes may well result in a slowing down of the process of development and it is of the utmost importance that this process of development and production should not come down.

Take the much-talked-of private sector and public sector. Obviously, most persons who believe in a socialist pattern must believe in the public sector growing all the time. But it does not necessarily mean that the private sector is eliminated even at a much later stage.

In regard to the private sector and the public sector, I think the criteria should be basically two. One is to have as much production as possible through all the means at our disposal and the second is prevention of accumulation of wealth and economic power in individual hands. If we have only the first one, it may lead subsequently to unsocial, undesirable and harmful consequences. Therefore we must aim right from the beginning and all the time at the prevention of this accumulation of wealth and economic power.

To draw the line may be sometimes difficult. If, by any step that we take, production goes down, then we arc cutting at the root of our advance and progress. If, on the other hand, private monopolies are built up, then we are encouraging a process which will cone in our way badly and be harmful now and later. It will take us away very far from any kind of progress towards socialism. In other words, we must encourage production, and at the same time, the social motive. Incentives arc necessary; I agree but there are many types of incentives, some incentives that are good to society, and some that are bad to society. A society in which the main incentive is acquisitiveness is getting out of date everywhere. I do not want to encourage acquisitiveness in India beyond a certain measure.

Our whole object in the Third Plan is to arrive at a stage when we do not depend upon outside countries for any kind of help, whether financial or mechanical. That is what is called, broadly speaking, the take-off stage. But even at this stage one would have to depend somewhat on supplies from outside, whether they arc machines or financial help by way of loans or credits. We are grateful for the help we have got from various countries, from the U.S.A. most of all, from the Soviet Union a good deal, and from a.-number of other countries. They have been generous.

But what is more important is what we have to do in our own country- -our domestic resources. They are going to place a very heavy strain on us. There is no escape from it and we have to face it, whether it is heavier taxation, public loans or savings.

In all these matters, the question of price policy comes up. It is an exceedingly difficult question and an exceedingly important one. It is not a party matter. In fact, in the whole Plan our approach is not a party approach except in so far as you might say that we are committed to a policy aiming at a socialist pattern and socialism. It goes without saying that it is of the utmost importance that prices should be under control. But a price policy is not separate from the rest of economic activity. It cannot be separate from fiscal or monetary or commercial policy, and it might well involve controls. In certain essential articles, if necessary, it may involve all kinds of approaches including controls.

Now I should like to say a few words about Community Development. I have attached great importance to it and often praised it. I have no doubt that in spite of all that has happened, and our numerous slips, the Community Development scheme has changed and is changing the face-of rural India. And that is more important in the final analysis than any number of factories. More particularly, recent developments in the direction of giving more power to the panchayats -what is called panchayati raj—I feel, is going to make a revolutionary change. I should like this House to appreciate it because it is a very important part of our Plan especially in regard to the rural areas and agricultural production.

There is then the question of co-operatives. For some odd reason the word “co-operative” rather frightens some people. I have tried in all humility to understand the other person’s point of view, and to some extent I succeed in it. People sometimes accuse me of looking at things from both points of view! I have tried hard to understand the view-point of those people who have started expressing themselves in pain and sorrow about the co-operatives. When -co-operative farming is mentioned the pain becomes intense. I have not been able to understand this in spite of every effort. Co-operatives are the one and only way for agriculture in India. Co-operative farming or joint farming is the right method for Indian agriculture.

It has been said that this leads to something terrible— communism. If the logic of thinking of some people is governed by such ghosts and hobgoblins, it is difficult to reason with them. Communism has nothing to do with this. Whether communism may be good or bad, you can argue. But to bring in this kind of thinking and confuse the issue seems to me quite amusing. If you say, “You must not do this by compulsion”, I agree. But 'the idea of joint co-operative farming is definitely a higher social form in agriculture, just as the social approach in industry is better than the narrow acquisitive approach.

I should like to say a word about land reforms. We or rather our States have been slow in the matter. This has been harmful to us and to production. Fortunately, we are gradually ending the first phase of land reforms.

I should again like to repeat that the Planning Commission or the Government of India do not regard themselves as being in possession of the ultimate wisdom. But they have given a great deal of thought and produced what they consider good for the country. They invite friendly consideration, and even unfriendly consideration, provided it is intelligent, so that we might improve it before finalizing it.

Some of you have, perhaps, already heard that the Government has nationalized, by an ordinance, fourteen of the biggest commercial banks incorporated in India. I should like to tell you how we propose to operate the nationalized banking system.

As early as December 1954, Parliament took the decision to frame our plans and policies within a socialist pattern of society. Control over the commanding heights of the economy is necessary, particularly in a poor country where it is extremely difficult to mobilize adequate resources for development and to reduce the inequalities between different groups and regions. Ours is an an­cient country but a young democracy, which has to remain ever vigilant to prevent the domination of the few over the social, eco­nomic or political systems.

Banks play a vital role in the functioning of any economy. To those who have money to spare, banks are the custodians of their savings, on which a good return can be earned by wise and efficient management. To the millions of small formers, artisans and other self-employed persons, a bank can be a source of credit, which is the very basis for any effort to improve their meager economic lot. Even established trade and industry, big or small, cannot function or expand without adequate bank credit on reasonable terms. For our growing number of educated young men and women, banks offer an opportunity for employment, which at the same time is an opportunity for service to society. To those who do not have busi­ness of their own, banks, like the postal system or the railways, provide a facility for our daily life.

An institution, such as the banking system, which touches and should touch the lives of millions, has necessarily to be inspired by a larger social purpose and has to sub serve national priorities and objectives. That is why there has been widespread demand that major banks should be not only socially controlled but publicly owned. It is not an accident that this has been the practice even in some countries which do not adhere to socialism. That is also why we nationalized, more than a decade ago, the life insurance business and the State Bank, or the Imperial Bank as it was then called. That is also why we have set up, directly under the aegis of the State, a number of financial institutions to provide medium or long-term credit to agriculture and industry. The step we have now taken is a continuation of the process which has long been under way. It is my earnest hope that it will mark .a new and more vigorous phase in the implementation of our avowed plans and policies. But it is not the beginning of a new era of nationalization. Nor is it an attempt to transfer resources which are already employed productively to other sectors. The problems of growth, whether on farms or in factories, whether in backward regions or in others only relatively well-developed, whether in relation to ex­ports or growing self-reliance, can be solved only in a positive manner, which looks essentially to an enlargement of resources and opportunities rather than to redistribution for its own sake. Cer­tainly, public ownership of the major banks will help to eliminate the use of bank credit for speculative and unproductive purposes, particularly to the extent that it is encouraged at present by the as­sociation of a few leading groups with some of our major banks. I should like to assure all sections of industry and .trade that legiti­mate needs for credit will be safeguarded. Indeed, it shall be our endeavor to ensure that bank credit expands on the basis of genuine savings in keeping with the growing needs of all productive sectors of the economy.

Some time ago we had adopted social control over banks. What is sought to be achieved through the present decision to nationalize the major banks is to accelerate the achievement of our objectives. The purpose of expanding bank credit to priority areas which have hitherto been somewhat neglected such as (i) the removal of control by a few, (2) provision of adequate credit for agriculture, small industry and exports, (3) the giving of a professional bent to bank management, (4) the encouragement of new classes of entrepre­neurs, (5) the provision of adequate training as well as reasonable terms of service for bank staff still remains and will call for con­tinuous efforts over a long time. Nationalization is necessary for the speedy achievement of these objectives. But the measure by it­self will not achieve these objectives.

As far as possible, and certainly for some time to come, we propose to retain the separate identity and the present management of each bank. Therefore, when the banks reopen after the weekend, your relations with the bank will remain the same as they were before nationalization. This is true not only for those who bank in India, but also for those who bank abroad with the branches of the Indian banks which have now been taken over. In due course, structural and other changes may become necessary. These will be made in an orderly fashion and after broad-based consultations and the most detailed expert examination. Most of you are, perhaps, aware that a Banking Commission is examining this very problem of defining a structure for the banking system which would be more appropriate to the needs of the economy.

We are poised at present for substantial progress in agriculture and industry, in exports and in replacement of imports by domes­tic production. In order to exploit fully the opportunity which has been created by the enthusiasm and initiative of our farmers, work­ers, and industrialists, by the industrial capacity already built up and the growing cadres of well-trained managers and technicians, we must make a determined effort to mobilize resources and to deploy them wisely for productive uses. I have no doubt that the important step we have just taken, at the beginning of the new Plan period, will facilitate the achievement of the aspirations we all share for our great country.

I appeal to all of you to help in the productive and purposeful implementation of this step. I appeal particularly to the managers and staff of the banks, which have been nationalized, to cooperate fully in the task of making the banking system serve our national objectives better. I am sure that the management and the staff of these banks will make every effort to render prompt and courteous service to those whose well-earned savings are entrusted to their care. In our internal as in foreign policy, we believe in acting ac­cording to our judgment and in keeping with our traditions and needs. There can be no question of aligning ourselves this way or that, whether internally or externally. We remain committed to the freedom and progress of the people of this great country.

In popular parlance, the phenomenon of the Green Revolution is identified with India's being catapulted from a chronically food-short country, with a begging-bowl image, to one which was self-sufficient and which became over time even surplus in food. The change follows the major technological reforms that occurred in Indian agriculture, particularly from the mid-1960s.

Despite the very creditable growth of agricultural output betweenn 1949 and 1965 of about 3 per cent per annum, India had been facing food shortages since the mid-1950s and in the mid-1960s India was in the throes of a crisis. To meet the food shortage and to stabilize prices India was forced to import increasing amounts of food.

In this situation came two wars with China (1962) and Pakistan (1965) and two successive drought years in 1965-66 leading to a fall in agricultural output by 17 per cent and food output by 20 per cent.

Given this scenario of the mid-1960s, economic self-reliance and particularly food self-sufficiency became the top priority objectives of Indian economic policy and for that matter of foreign policy. The New Agricultural Strategy began to be implemented in right earnest. The then Prime Minister, Lal Bahadur Shastri, Food Minister, C. Subramaniam, and Indira Gandhi, who followed Shastri in 1966 after his brief tenure, all gave full support to and crafted this basic transition in the strategy for developing Indian agriculture.

Government investment in agriculture rose significantly. Institutional finance made available to agriculture doubled between 1968 and 1973. The Agricultural Prices Commission was set up in 1965 and efforts were made to see that the farmer was assured a market at sustained remunerative prices. Public investment, institutional credit, remunerative prices and the availability of technology at low prices raised the profitability of private investment by farmers and as a result the total gross capital formation in agriculture began to grow faster.

The results of this new strategy began to be witnessed within a short period. Between 1967-68 and 1970-71 foodgrain production rose by 35 per cent. Again, between 1964-65 and 1971-72, aggregate food production increased from 89 to 112 million tonnes, calculated to be a 10 per cent per capital increase. Net food imports fell from 10.3 million tonnes in 1966 to 3.6 million tonnes in 1970, while food availibility increased from 73.5 million tonnes to 99.5 million tonnes over the same period. It has been estimated that 'but for the new agricultural strategy India would have to import a minimum of about 8 to 10 million tonnes of wheat yearly at a cost of $600 to 800 million'. Food availability continued to increase sharply to 110.25 million tonnes in 1984, putting an end to India's 'begging bowl' image. By the 1980s, not only was India self-sufficient in food with buffer food stocks of over 30 million tonnes, but it was even exporting food to pay back earlier loans or as loans to food-deficit countries.

A major impact of the Green Revolution strategy was that through increases in agricultural yields India was able to maintain once again, the high rate of agricultural growth achieved since independence.

It must be recognized that, apart from the maintaining of the agricultural growth rates, the critical impact of the Green Revolution was that it generated a rapid increase in the marketable surplus of foodgrains...It was the marketed suprluses as a result of the Green Revolution (and not any unprecedented rise in aggregate all-India growth rates) which enabled internal procurement of food by the government and the building up of large food stocks. The food requirements generated by a strategy of rapid industrial development, the rapidly growing urban and general population and the periodically food-deficit areas could now be met internally.

“The story of the cooperative movement in India cannot be complete without a description of the most successful experiment in cooperation in India, which was a class apart from any other effort of the kind. This experiment, which started modestly in Kaira (also called Kheda) district of Gujarat eventually became the harbinger of the ‘White Revolution’ that spread all over India.”

“The Gandhian freedom fighter Tribhuvandas K. Patel, who patiently roamed the villages on foot to persuade farmers to form milk cooperatives, became the first chairman of the Kaira District Cooperative Milk Producers’ Union Ltd in January 1947 and continued to be elected to this position for over twenty-five years. Dr Verghese Kurien, the brilliant engineer from Kerala and later the heart and soul of the White Revolution in India, was the celebrated and proud employee of the Kaira farmers, and the chief executive of the union from 1950 to 1973…The union which started with two village cooperative societies with less than a hundred members each, by 2000 had 1,015 societies with 574,000 members. From 250 litres of milk a day, it was by then handling nearly 1 million litres of milk a day and had an annual turnover of Rs 487 crore or Rs 4.87 billion.”

“In the process of this rapid growth, the union greatly diversified its activities. In 1955, it had set up a factory to manufacture milk powder and butter, partly to deal with the problem of the greater yields of milk in winter not finding an adequate market. The same year the union chose the name of ‘Amul’ for its range of products.”

“Any community development work necessarily involves an integrated approach. The Kaira Cooperative Union was a model case of how the union’s own activities kept expanding, and how it spawned other organizations, bringing within its scope wider and wider areas of concern to the ordinary peasant. An artificial insemination service through the village society workers was introduced so that the producers could improve the quality of their stock. In 1994-95, about 670,000 such inseminations were performed through 827 centres. A 24-hour mobile veterinary service with twenty-nine vehicles fitted with radio telephones was available to the farmers at nominal cost. Cattle owned by cooperative members were provided with insurance cover should anything happen to this major source of their livelihood. High quality fodder seeds for producing green fodder were made available….At the other end of the spectrum, an Institute of Rural Management (IRMA) was founded in Anand for training professional managers for rural development projects, using the Amul complex and the Kaira Cooperative as a live laboratory. As the ‘Anand Pattern’ gradually spread to other districts in Gujarat, in 1974, the Gujarat Cooperative Milk Marketing Federation Ltd, Anand, was formed as an apex organization of the unions in the district to look after marketing.”

“The existence of the cooperative had considerably improved the standard of living of the villagers in Kaira district, particularly the poor farmers and the landless. According to one estimate, as a result of the activities of the cooperative, nearly 48 per cent of the income of the rural households in Kaira district came from dairying. Some of the profits of the cooperative also went to improve the common facilities in the village including wells, roads, schools etc.”

“The Kaira Cooperative success made the movement’s spread to the rest of the country inevitable. In 1964, Lal Bahadur Shastri , the then Prime Minister of India, wrote to the chief ministers of all the states about the proposed large programme to set up cooperative dairies on the ‘Anand Pattern’. To perform this task, the National Dairy Development Board was created in 1965 at his initiative. Kurien, with his proven dynamism, was to be at its helm as its honorary chairman…At his insistence, NDDB was located in Anand and not in New Delhi and acquired the structure not of yet another inefficient government department, but of one more suitable to its objectives. Drawing heavily from the Kaira union for personnel, expertise and much more, the NDDB launched ‘Operation Flood’ a programme to replicate the Anand Pattern in other milksheds of the country.”

“A study done by the World Bank (evaluation department) of Operation Flood details how the effort to replicate the ‘Anand Pattern’ paid rich dividends.”

“First, the obvious impact of Operation Flood was the considerable increase in milk supply and consequent increase in the income of the milk producers, particularly the poor…It is estimated that 60 per cent of the beneficiaries were marginal and small farmers or landless and it was further stated that ‘the extent to which such benefits (were) reaching the extremely poor and needy (destitute, widows, landless and near landless) in certain spearhead villages was unusually noteworthy.”

“Second, as in the case of Anand, the impact of the milk cooperatives and Operation Flood went way beyond just increase in milk supply and incomes. As the World Bank study reported, ‘A by-product impact of Operation Flood and the accompanying dairy expansion has been the establishment of an indigenous dairy equipment manufacturing industry…and an indigenous body of expertise that includes animal nutrition, animal health, artificial insemination (AI), management information systems (MIS), dairy engineering, food technology and the like.”

“Third, Operation Flood spread and even intensified the impact of the milk cooperatives on women and children and on education.”

“This has been one of the major achievements of post-independence India…An indication of the impact this experiment had at the grassroots level was the statement made to the present authors by a poor farmer in a village near Anand in 1985, ‘Gujarat is fortunate to have one Kurien; if only God would give one Kurien to every state, many of India’s problems would be solved."

- “IN INDIA WE HAVE POVERTY AND IT IS NECESSARY THAT WE IMPLEMENT OUR DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMMES SPEEDILY TO ERADICATE POVERTY AND CREATE CONDITIONS CONDUCIVE TO CHANGE… THERE ARE MANY PROBLEMS WHICH WE MUST SOLVE. WE CANNOT WAIT PASSIVELY FOR THEIR SOLUTIONS. WE OURSELVES HAVE TO SHAPE OUR FUTURE. WE WANT THAT EVERY INDIAN SHOULD HAVE A HAND IN SHAPING OUR DESTINY. IT IS TRUE THAT WE ARE NOW FREE BUT WE HAVE YET TO MAKE THIS FREEDOM REAL FOR OUR TEEMING MILLIONS. WE HAVE TO BUILD A SOCIETY IN WHICH EACH INDIVIDUAL CAN ENJOY FULL FREEDOM --- ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND POLITICAL” SMT. INDIRA GANDHI

Garibi Hatao: A Radical Message

No slogan in Independent India has reverberated among the masses as much as Smt Indira Gandhi’s ‘Garibi Hatao’. The two simple words conveyed a radical message: the complete and comprehensive elimination of poverty. At a time when millions of Indians were still living in acute penury, this was nothing less than a revolution. The slogan changed the very narrative of politics in the country. Unlike the industrialised nations of the West, it did not see poverty as an unfortunate but inevitable consequence of economic progress. Neither did it view deprivation as a precursor to class struggle, as was the dominant view in the Communist World. For Indira ji, it was a matter of national shame that millions of our countrymen were still living under the shackles of poverty and helplessness.

1971 Elections

Indira ji fought the 1971 general elections on the plank of Garibi Hatao. Her comprehensive victory bore testimony to the spectacular resonance the slogan found among India’s masses. The Indian National Congress won 352 out of 518 Lok Sabha seats, an increase of 73 from the 1967 elections. The Opposition was decimated with the Congress’s closest competitor winning just 51 seats. Her priorities were at complete variance with the political discourse of her opponents whose sole motto was ‘Indira Hatao’. While ‘Indira Hatao’ conveyed a negative message and was essentially based on antipathy towards one individual, Indira ji’s slogan stood for nation-building and was aimed at mobilising the entire country in a war against poverty.

20 Point Programme

As she embarked on her mission to improve the lot of those living in poverty, Indira ji put forward her now-famous 20 point programme in 1975. The points were: 1. Attack on Rural Poverty 2. Strategy for Rain fed Agriculture 3. Better Use of Irrigation Water 4. Bigger Harvest 5. Enforcement of Land Reforms 6. Special Programmes for Rural Labour 7. Clean Drinking Water 8. Health for All 9. Two Child Norm 10. Expansion of Education 11. Justice to Scheduled Castes & Scheduled Tribes 12. Equality for Women 13. New Opportunities for Women 14. Housing for the People 15. Improvement of Slums 16. New Strategy for Forestry 17. Protection of the Environment 18. Concern for the Consumer 19. Energy for the Villages 20. A Responsive Administration Impact:The programme had a significant impact. It led to an increase in agricultural production, provided a boost to manufacturing activity. India’s exports and foreign reserves also increased during this period.

Land Reforms

The Zamindari Abolition Act 1951 and a number of state legislations had abolished all intermediaries (Zamindars) between the state and the cultivator. In 1972, Indira ji convened a meeting of all chief ministers, in which the Centre stipulated the ceiling limit as: 1. 10 acres for the best land; 18-27 acres for second class land; 3. 27-54 acres for the rest with a slightly higher limit in the hill and desert areas. The Congress-ruled states took the initiative in implementing Indira ji’s guidelines. The performance of Karnataka under Shri Devaraj Urs and Andhra Pradesh under Shri P.V. Narasimha Rao was particularly impressive. By the Seventh Plan period (1985-1990), 44 lakh acres of land had been distributed across various states. Giving cultivators the right over land inspired farmers to put in more resources and labour and this led to an increase in agrarian productivity.

UPA carries forward Indira ji’s agenda

Even now Indira ji’s policies serve as a guiding force for the Congress-led UPA government. In 2006, the UPA government introduced a revised 20-point programme. The driving spirit behind the programme was the same as it was in 1975, but some of the individual points had been changed keeping in mind contemporary realities. For instances, IT-enabled governance, food security, social security and welfare of OBCs and minorities figure in the revised 20-point programme. The UPA government revived the land reform agenda in 2008 by constituting the National Council for Land Reform. In 2012, the government set up a task force on land reform, which has prepared a draft National Land Reform Policy. One of its most significant proposals is providing 10 cents (0.1 acre) of homestead land to every homeless family in the country.

Fighting Poverty a constant battle

Indira ji realised that eliminating poverty is a colossal task. Various Congress governments in the past as well as the UPA government have succeeded in taking millions of Indians out of poverty. Yet with 22% of our population still living below the poverty line, our efforts will continue with renewed intensity.

"The origins of the problem are directly traceable to large and persistent macro-economic imbalances and the low productivity of investment, in particular the poor rates of return on past investments. There has been an unsustainable increase in Government expenditure. Budgetary subsidies, with questionable social and economic impact, have been allowed to grow to an alarming extent. The tax system still has many loopholes. It lacks transparency so that it is not easy to assess the social and economic impact of various concessions built into its structure. The public sector has not been managed in a manner so as to generate large investible surpluses. The excessive and often indiscriminate protection provided to industry has weakned the incentive to develop a vibrant export sector. It has also accentuated disparities in income and wealth. It has worked to the disadvantage of the rural economy. The increasing difference between the income and expenditure of the Government has led to a widening of the gap between the income and expenditure of the economy as a whole."

"The grave economic crisis now facing our country requires determined action on the part of Government. We are fully prepared for that role. Our party will provide an effective Government to our country. Our people are our masters. We see the role of our Government as one of empowering our people to realize their full potential. This budget constitutes a vital component of a comprehensive vision, a well thought out strategy and an effective action programme designed to get India moving once again."

"Sir, I do not minimise the difficulties that lie ahead on the long and ardous journey on which we have embarked. But as Victor Hugo once said, "no power on earth can stop an idea whose time has come." I suggest to this august House that the emergence of India as a major economic power in the world happens to be one such idea. Let the whole world hear it loud and clear. India is now wide awake. We shall prevail. We shall overcome."

RIGHT TO INFORMATION

The Congress-led UPA brought in the Right to Information Act to bring greater transparency in 2005, within a year after getting elected to office. The RTI Act not only empowered people to ask questions, it became an effective tool in the hands of people who wanted greater transparency in governance. The RTI queries kept coming in and the government was legally bound to give answers.

This has brought nothing short of a transparency revolution in India. The RTI is a paradigm shift in ensuring transparency and accountability of governments. India’s RTI Act is today seen as a role model that many countries of the world are seeking to emulate.

As part of its commitment to further enhancing transparency and accountability, the Congress-led UPA government has introduced The Right of Citizens for Time Bound Delivery of Goods and Services and Redressal of their Grievances Bill, 2011.

Mahatma Gandhi NREGA

The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) is among the biggest employment schemes anywhere in the world and has given millions of Indians a reason to believe that a better future awaits them.

It has given the rural Indian access to employment as a legal right, through an Act of Parliament -- a paradigm shift in the way a nation chooses to addresses the issue of poverty and employment. Today the MGNREGA is being studied by the ILO, the UN, and many countries as a case study and a role model to be emulated.

In the last seven years, the government has spent close to Rs 2 lakh crores under MGNREGA to ensure that millions of Indians have the resources to escape poverty. In 2012-13, 136.18 crore man-days of employment was provided to 4.08 crore households and of this, 22% belonged to the Scheduled Castes, about 16% were from the Scheduled Tribes and 53% were women.

The 100 days of employment at minimum wages have given people, especially the poorest and the most marginalised, basic financial security and financial empowerment, arresting distress migration and creating sustainable community assets in rural India.

Forest Rights Act

By passing the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006, The UPA government took forward Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru’s policy of ‘Tribal Panchsheel’ in which he suggested a model for tribal development which allowed them to pursue their way of life while also providing them avenues to integrate into the national mainstream.

One of the key points mentioned in the ‘Tribal Panchsheel’ was that ‘Tribal right in land and forests should be respected’. The Forest Rights Act not only recognised their right over their land but also gave them greater control over their lives.

As of 31 January 2012, a total of 31,68,478 claims have been received across the country. Of these, about 86 per cent of the claims have been acted on. Almost 12.51 lakh tribal families have already got a total of 17.60 lakh hectares of land after the verification of their claims by their respective state governments.

Right to Education

The Congress-led UPA government displayed its commitment to education of children when the Right to Education Act (RTE) was enacted on April 1, 2010. This made education a legal right of every child in India.

The Act requires all private schools to reserve 25% of seats to children from backward and challenged sections of the society. The legislation also prohibits all unrecognised schools from practice, and makes provisions for no donation or capitation fees and no interview of the child or parent for admission.

The Act also provides that no child shall be held back, expelled, or required to pass a board examination until the completion of elementary education. There is also a provision for special training of school drop outs to bring them up to par with students of the same age.

The RTE act requires monitoring of all neighbourhoods and identification of all children requiring education, and set up facilities for providing it. It is also perhaps the first legislation in the world that puts the onus of ensuring enrollment, attendance and completion on the Government.

The Act also provides that no child shall be held back, expelled, or required to pass a board examination until the completion of elementary education. There is also a provision for special training of school drop outs to bring them up to par with students of the same age.

National Food Security Act

The National Food Security Bill will legally back the grant of subsidised food grain to 67 % of India's 1.2 billion people, and will ensure food and nutritional security to the common people. This will be the biggest such project in the world with the government spending estimated at Rs 125,000 crore annually on supply of about 62 million tonnes of rice, wheat and coarse cereals to two-thirds of Indians.

Under the Bill, There is a special focus on nutritional support to women and children. Pregnant women and lactating mothers, besides being entitled to nutritious meals as per the prescribed nutritional norms, will also receive maternity benefit of at least Rs.6,000 for six months. Children in the age group of six months to 14 years will be entitled to take home ration or hot cooked food, as per prescribed nutritional norms.

The Bill also contains provisions for reforms in the Public Distribution System (PDS) through doorstep delivery of food grain, application of information and communication technology (ICT) including end-to-end computerisation, leveraging 'Aadhaar' for unique identification of beneficiaries, diversification of commodities under the Targeted PDS (TPDS) for effective implementation of the ordinance.

RIGHT TO WORK FOR ALL

India is one of the fastest growing economies in the world, yet home to about a third of the world's poor. When the UPA assumed power in 2004, a key question in front of it was whether India's growth engine could power millions out of poverty.

The Congress-led UPA believed that our development policies needed to be inclusive as India could not wait for the trickle-down effect of economic growth to reach the Aam Admi. We believed that inclusive economic growth would be necessary to ensure long-term sustainable development.

Mahatma Gandhi NREGA is the Answer

The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) has been one of the answers.

It is among the biggest employment schemes anywhere in the world and has given millions of Indians a reason to believe that a better future awaits them.

It has given the rural Indian access to employment as a legal right, through an Act of Parliament -- a paradigm shift in the way a nation chooses to addresses the issue of poverty and employment.

Today the MGNREGA is being studied by the ILO, the UN, and many countries as a case study and a role model to be emulated.

One-Fifth of India Has Guaranteed Jobs

In the last seven years, the government has spent close to Rs 2 lakh crores under MGNREGA to ensure that millions of Indians have the resources to escape poverty.

In 2012-13, 136.18 crore man-days of employment was provided to 4.08 crore households and of this, 22% belonged to the Scheduled Castes, about 16% were from the Scheduled Tribes and 53% were women.

WHY IS THERE A NEED FOR A LAW ON FOOD SECURITY?

Currently, there are different programmes of the Government of India (GoI) for the disbursement of food grains to the poor and the promotion of nutrition. The National Food Security Ord (NFSO) consolidates all of these in one Statute. This has the added advantage of ensuring that the entitlements become statutory guarantees that cannot be taken away or modified arbitrarily.

This law also marks the realisation of a long standing commitment of the Congress Government to bring a law on food security. The Congress Party in its 2009 Manifesto promised enactment of law along the lines of the MGNREGA programme which will guarantee a legal entitlement to food.

What is the National Food Security Ord and how is it different from existing schemes or programmes of a similar nature?

The law converts intolegal entitlementsthe provisions of various food security schemes of the GoI’s, to ensure adequate quantity and quality of food at affordable prices to people to live their life with dignity.

The law takes a life-cycle approach to food security, recognizing the specific food and nutritional needs of different age groups and gender.

If the food grains are not provided for whatever reason the law also allows the payment of a food security allowance to fulfil the entitlement.

What are your rights under the new law?

The aim of the National Food Security Act is to ensure that no-one goes hungry and that everyone is well nourished. The Act is based on a lifecycle approach that attempts to ensure adequate nutrition for every age group. The entitlements of persons in different age groups are as follows:

All children aged between 6 months and 3 years: Nutritious take-home rations from the local Anganwadi.

All children in the age group of 3-6 years: Nutritious food from the local Anganwadi, in the form of a daily cooked meal or take-home rations.

All children attending government schools up to Class 8: A nutritious, cooked midday meal every day during the school year.

All pregnant and lactating women: Nutritious food from the local Anganwadi, in the form of a cooked meal every day or take-home rations.

Every “priority” household: Cheap food grains from the Public Distribution System –5 kgs per person per month at Rs 3/kg for rice, Rs 2/kg for wheat and Rs. 1/kg for coarse grains(these prices are for 3 years).

“Priority household”under the Act refers to any household that does not meet exclusion criteria (such as having a government job) to be specified by the state government. At least two thirds of the population will be included in this category: 75% in rural areas and 50% in urban areas. These percentages will be even higher in the poorer states.

In addition, Antyodaya households will continue to be entitled to 35 kgs of foodgrains per month, at Rs 3/kg for rice and Rs 2/kg for wheat.

Radical reforms of the PDSwill also be undertaken under the Act to ensure that the system works well. This is being done to eliminate embezzlement of PDS food grains.

Who are the beneficiaries covered under this new law?

The law will cover 75% of the rural population and 50% of the urban population. However States will determine who will fall in these categories. The Ordinance clearly specifies that they have to do so within 180 days/ 6 months.

Beneficiaries will be identified by the State Governments. The law envisages two categories- Antayodaya Anna Yojna (AAY) and Priority Households.

There are some entitlements that are universal, e.g., all children under the age of six are covered by the ICDS and all school-going children will be entitled to a hot cooked meal under the MDM scheme.

For maternity entitlements all women will be entitled to receive allowances for six months.

The law also removes the Above Poverty Line (APL) quota, as under the current Public Distribution System (PDS), to have a broader and more uniform base of eligible households with clear entitlements.

What will be the financial implications of this law?

The law converts existing schemes into entitlements which means that the Ord. has limited financial implications.

If the 2011 Census is used, the food subsidy, without the law, is valued at Rs. 1.01 lakh crore, including other welfare schemes like Integrated Child Development Scheme (ICDS), Mid-Day Meal (MDM) Scheme and other maternity entitlements.

The estimated cost of the Ord. is Rs. 1.24 lakh crore. This is less than 1% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of India and implies an increased expenditure of less than Rs. 25,000 crore on the entire law.

How much food-grain will be needed to meet the requirements mandated under this law?

The NFSB requires around 62 million tonnes (mt) of food grains. The current allocation for the same schemes is 58mt, i.e., the additional requirement of the Ord. is 4mt.

Will the Antayodaya Anna Scheme be affected under this law?

No. The AAY will remain as it is. In other words the poorest of poor households shall continue receiving 35 kg of foodgrains, regardless of the number of people within that family. This is without prejudice to the other entitlements under the law.

What are the changes proposed to delivery system under the Public Distribution System?

The Ord. lists several necessary reforms for comprehensive reform of the Public Distribution System: These include:

“Door step delivery” of grain to the fair price shops to reduce chances of diversion en-route

Preference to community institutions such as Gram Panchayats, cooperative societies and women self-help groups in the running and management of ration shops

Use of Information, Communication and Technology (ICT) including end to end computerisation and the use of Aadhar technology to identify beneficiaries.

Support to local public distribution models and grain banks

What are the specific benefits and guarantees for women and children?

The Ord. gives special attention to women and children. Some salient provisions are:

Ration cards for eligible will be issued in the name of the eldest woman, over 18 years of age.Furthermore the head of the household will be the woman.

Meals, free of charge, for women during pregnancy and six months after child birth shall be provided

Maternity allowance of a minimum of Rs. 600o will be given to pregnant and nursing mothers

Meals, free of charge, for children between 6 months to six years shall be provided

Mid-day meals, free of charge , for children between 6 to 14 years shall be provided

Meals, free of charge, for children who suffer from malnutrition shall be provided.

What are the provisions for enhancing nutritional standards?

Along with the provision of adequate quantity of food, the law places emphases on the provision of nutritious meals (as laid out in Schedule II of the Ord.) to provide a balanced diet in terms of calorie counts, protein value and micronutrients.The provisions include:

Supplying coarse cereals through the PDS. These are known to be nutritionally superior to wheat and rice.

Take home rations for children between 6 months to 6 years of age and hot cooked meals for children between 3 to 6 years of age

Take home rations for malnourished children between 6 months to 6 years of age

Hot cooked meals for lower and upper primary class children

Take home rations for pregnant and lactating mothers

Further, the law specifically provides for expanding the list of commodities (e.g., to pulses and oil) to be supplied through the Targeted PDS.

What are the Enforcement/ Grievance Redressal Mechanisms under this law?

The law lays down special provisions to ensure effective grievance redressal. The State Governments are required to:

Set up mechanisms, which shall include call centres, help lines etc

Appoint a District Grievance Redressal Officer who shall be the first office for complaints.

Set up a State Food Commission for the purpose of monitoring and reviewing the implementation of the law. The State Commission will have the powers of a civil court for enquiring into violation of entitlements and appeals against District Grievance Redressal Officer

Formulate rules outlining the manner and the time-limit for hearing complaints by Grievance Redressal Officer.

How is Aadhar linked to the Public Distribution System?

The law has an enabling clause that enjoins the States to use Aadhar based technology for PDS reform and to ensure better identification of beneficiaries using biometric information.

Districts such as East Godavari and Hyderabad (Andhra Pradesh) have already started using Aadhar for online authentication services under PDS to enable transparent delivery of ration to eligible beneficiaries. The law allows States to similarly leverage the mechanism for efficient delivery of food grains.

How can Congress Party workers help in the effective implementation of this law?

All Congress Party workers should undertake exercises to ensure widespread dissemination of this law and its clauses. This can be done through wall paintings listing the salient features of the law.

They should ensure that the people are aware of the benefits promised by the Central Government and the obligations that have been placed upon the State Governments.

Party workers should be vigilant in ensuring that the State Government discharges its obligations under this Act and also help expedite the implementation of the same.

Undertake BPL list “vachan” (reading) which will help identify beneficiaries whose names are missing that would need to be added to the list (and those that need to be deleted, if any), when they are updated.

The party workers must, in addition to disseminating information about the law, assist the administration in the expeditious identification of the priority households and in the overall implementation of the law.

Party workers should be vigilant and ensure that the administration carries out the necessary reforms to the Targeted Public Distribution System in a time bound manner.

“MAN IS NEITHER MERE INTELLECT, NOR THE GROSS ANIMAL BODY, NOR THE HEART OR SOUL ALONE. A PROPER AND HARMONIOUS COMBINATION OF ALL THE THREE IS REQUIRED FOR THE MAKING OF THE WHOLE MAN AND CONSTITUTES THE TRUE ECONOMICS OF EDUCATION....” MAHATMA GANDHI

Right to Education

The Congress-led UPA government displayed its commitment to education of children when the Right to Education Act (RTE) was enacted on April 1, 2010. This made education a legal right of every child in India.

The Right to Education Act requires all private schools to reserve 25% of seats to children from backward and challenged sections of the society. The legislation also prohibits all unrecognised schools from practice, and makes provisions for no donation or capitation fees and no interview of the child or parent for admission.

The Act also provides that no child shall be held back, expelled, or required to pass a board examination until the completion of elementary education. There is also a provision for special training of school drop outs to bring them up to par with students of the same age.

The RTE act requires monitoring of all neighbourhoods and identification of all children requiring education, and set up facilities for providing it. It is also perhaps the first legislation in the world that puts the onus of ensuring enrollment, attendance and completion on the Government.

Congress Party’s Commitment Towards Education

The Union government had sanctioned Rs 23,836 crore under theSarva Siksha Abhiyanduring 2012-13, which is a jump of nearly 8.7 times over the 2003-04 figures of Rs 2,730 crore. This money was to be used for the construction of 2,441 primary school buildings, 2,453 upper primary schools, close to two lakh additional class-rooms and about 2.7 lakh toilet facilities.

The UPA government has also substantially hiked the outlays for the mid-day meal scheme. The UPA government had allocated Rs 9,890 crore for the scheme in 2011-12 against Rs 1,325 crore by the NDA govt in 2003-04, which is a jump of close to 7.5 times.

The Gross Enrolment Ratio at the Middle school level where the GER has moved from 62.5% in 2003-04 to 85.5% in 2010-11.

The number of central universities has been increased from 17 in 2004 to 44 in 2013 while the number of IITs and IIMs have been more than doubled. We have added 9 new IITs (to existing seven) and 7 new IIMs (to existing six) besides five IISERs and two IIITs.

Pandit Nehru’s “Tribal Pancheel” guides the policy

Scheduled Tribes make about 8% of the total population in the country. The Congress sees them not only as key stakeholders but also as key partners in the development process.

Our progress as a country would have little meaning if the benefits do not reach our tribal population.

The Congress is guided by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru’s policy of ‘Tribal Panchsheel’ in which he suggested a model for tribal development which allowed them to pursue their way of life while also providing them avenues to integrate into the national mainstream.

Forest Rights Act

One of the key points mentioned in the ‘Tribal Panchsheel’ was that ‘Tribal right in land and forests should be respected’ and the UPA government fulfilled his vision by bringing in the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006,

As of 31 January 2012, a total of 31,68,478 claims have been received across the country. Of these, about 86 per cent of the claims have been acted on.

Almost 12.51 lakh tribal families have already got a total of 17.60 lakh hectares of land after the verification of their claims by their respective state governments.

Tribal Development Fund

In addition to this, the UPA government has also ensured that the tribal population has better access to credit. Banks like NABARD have set-up Tribal Development Fund (TDF) of Rs 130 crore which will benefit thousands of tribal families across the country.

An example of the UPA Government’s commitment to resolving tribal issues is the granting of transit permits to villagers to procure and sell forest resources, this will create a revolution in the country as it is an important tool to empower tribal communities.

Villagers and not forest officials will have the right to grow, procure and sell bamboo with transit permits being issued to the gram sabhas.

Minor Forest Produce Commission

The UPA government is also setting up a Minor Forest Produce Commission which will fix a minimum support price for minor forest produces.

The Tribal population generates produce worth Rs 50,000 crore per annum of which Tendu leaves account for more than Rs 2,000 crore.

The Minor Forest Produce Commission would ensure that they get the right price for their produce.

Rural Postal Insurance Scheme

Lakhs of tribals have been covered in the Rural Postal Insurance Scheme while thousands of tribal students are benefiting from the special scholarships awarded by the UPA Government.

Working on Pandit Nehru’s vision for tribal development, the Congress has helped by creating the enabling environment for Scheduled Tribes to get their fair share of resources for development.

Thus, today our tribal population is a partner in our progress as a nation, more than ever before.

DIRECT BENEFIT TRANSFE

India spends more than Rs 200,000 crore on subsidies a year but a part of this does not reach the intended beneficiaries. Not anymore, as Adhaar based Direct Benefits Transfer Scheme has started the delivery revolution in India. People have started getting cash subsidy directly in the bank accounts.

In keeping with its commitment to use technology for the benefit of the common man, the UPA government launched the ambitious Aadhaar programme in 2011, with the aim of giving proof of identity to any Indian, backed by biometric data.

Over 28 crore Indians have already been enrolled into Aadhaar, which is going to cover all Indian residents while another 30 crore are expected to be enrolled over the next 18 months.

Aadhaar not only provides proof of identity to millions of Indians who did not have any such proof, but also provides a platform to ensure that corruption, leakages and delays in the delivery of benefits under government welfare schemes can be eliminated. Aadhaar would also act as a tool for effective monitoring of various programs and schemes of the Government.

Prime Minister’s Council of UIDAI.

On 02 July 2009, the UPA Government appointed Shri Nandan M. Nilekani as Chairman of the Unique Identification Authority of India, in the rank and status of a Cabinet Minister for an initial tenure of five years. The Prime Minister's Council of UIDAI Authority of India was set up on 30 July 2009.

The Mission

The role that the Authority envisions is to issue a unique identification number (UIDAI) that can be verified and authenticated in an online, cost-effective manner, which is robust enough to eliminate duplicate and fake identities. Over five years, the Authority plans to issue 600 million UIDs.

The UIDAI's mandate is to issue every resident a unique identification number linked to the resident's demographic and biometric information, which they can use to identify themselves anywhere in India, and to access a host of benefits and services. The number (referred to formerly as the 'UID') has been named Aadhaar, which translates into 'foundation', or 'support'.

Aadhaar can for example, provide the identity infrastructure for ensuring financial inclusion across the country – banks can link the unique number to a bank account for every resident, and use the online identity authentication to allow residents to access the account from anywhere in the country.

Aadhaar would also be a foundation for the effective enforcement of individual rights. A clear registration and recognition of the individual's identity with the state is necessary to implement their rights –to employment, education, food, etc. The number, by ensuring such registration and recognition of individuals, would help the state deliver these rights.

UIDAI launched Aadhaar program in the tribal village Tembhli, in Shahada, Nandurbar, Maharashtra on 29 September 2010. The program was inaugurated by Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh along with UPA Chairperson Smt. Sonia Gandhi. The first resident to receive an Aadhaar was Ranjana Sonawane of Tembhli village.

• Healthcare

The Congress Party believes that access to quality healthcare is a right that every Indian deserves.

- Non Congress governments failed in healthcare sector

The non-Congress governments since 1996 ignored the healthcare sector which grossly dented India’s healthcare report card.

In 1993, India had 97 hospital beds per one lakh population. In 2002, this had dropped to 89 hospital beds for one lakh people. In 2002, there were around 15 hospitals for a million population compared to 17 hospitals in 1994.

- Healthcare a priority of Congress governments

The UPA leadership, in its National Common Minimum Programme 2004, promised a turn-around. The spending on healthcare was increased by 300% between 2004-05 and 2009-10.>

The UPA government launched the National Rural Health Mission (NRHM) with the sole objective of taking healthcare to the poorest segments of the society. Under this umbrella scheme, access to primary healthcare services, as well as secondary and tertiary care, has been expanded across the country. Also for the first time, traditional medicine and promotion of healthy lifestyles are being promoted.

In 2005, the UPA government launched the Janani Suraksha Yojana with the objective to reduce overall maternal mortality ratio and infant mortality rate, by incentivising institutional deliveries by pregnant women.

In 2011, the UPA government launched the historic Janani Shishu Suraksha Karyakram (JSSK). This would provide completely free and cashless services to pregnant women including normal deliveries and caesarean operations in government health institutions in both rural and urban areas. The new JSSK initiative is estimated to benefit more than one crore pregnant women.

In 2012, the UPA government has also launched an ambitious scheme to provide medicines free of cost in public health centres.

TURNING CRISIS INTO OPPORTUNITY: 1991

In 1991, Dr Manmohan Singh unshackled the Indian economy through a series of reforms. In less than two decades, India had become the third largest economy in the world in size and the fastest growth rate.

UPA Brings In FDI

On 21 September 2012, the Congress-led UPA government pushed through the second phase of economic reforms, opening up the retail, insurance and civil aviation sectors to Foreign Direct Investment.

On 16 July, 2013, the government accelerated the pace of reforms by hiking the cap for FDI in 13 sectors including telecom, defence production, asset reconstruction and single brand retail.

Compare the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance FDI effort of a measly $4.3 billion in the year 2003-04 to the FDI inflow for 2013-14 which is expected to touch $36 billion (according to the Prime Minister’s Economic Advisory Council).

FDI in Retail

In 2006 Foreign Direct Investment in single brand retail was permitted. On 21 September 2012, Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh once again made a bold decision and the UPA government permitted FDI in the retail sector.

Dr Singh compared the situation with the economic crisis of India in 1991, when "nobody was willing to lend us even small amounts of money" and the country embraced economic reforms. Though India was not in such a crisis, he mentioned that “we must act before people lose confidence in our economy".

Benefits to Farmers

At least 50% of total investment will be in back end infrastructure. Greater efficiency and advanced technology will revolutionise distribution, transportation, manufacturing, quality control, packaging, warehousing, logistics and cold storage systems.

Farm produce will reach stores directly resulting in significant reduction of wastages.

Farmers will get a higher value for their produce as layers of middlemen are removed.

Benefit for Kirana Shops

Rigorous studies on retailing show that there is no evidence of a downtrend in employment following the entry of organised retailers. Instead, small retailers evolve as they add new product lines and brands, go for better displays, renovation of stores, introduction of self-service, and more credit sales.

Kirana stores and street hawkers can also become part of the modern retail change story if they choose to assimilate into organised retail through franchisees.

Benefit for Consumers

While all income groups save through organised retail purchases, it has been found that lower income consumers save more.

Thus organised retail is more beneficial to the less well-off consumers, due to lower price and better quality of products.

Benefit for Citizens

FDI in retail will help in creating up to one crore new jobs as FDI backed retailers will source 30% of all their products from the small scale sector/ New manufacturing opportunities will open for the nation’s micro, small and medium enterprises.

Keeping in mind the federal structure of governance in India, the decision on whether to actually allow FDI in retail has been left to the respective State Governments.

Also, foreign retailers will only be allowed to set up shop in cities with a population of more than ten lakhs.

THE POWER OF ELECTRICITY

The power sector has been one of the focus areas for the Congress-led UPA government as it has worked on both ends of the problem to power India’s growth.

UPA’s Focus

The UPA government has added about 1 lakh MW in installed power capacity and is expected to doubled the installed power capacity by the end of its second term. The government has also managed to connect more villages to the distribution network than any other time in our history.

The country has added about 11,000 MW a year, over the last nine years. India had an installed capacity of 1.12 lakh MW when the UPA government took over in 2004 and this has gone up to 2.11 lakh MW, a rise of nearly 99,077 MW and an increase of 88% from the NDA days.

Paradigm Development from NDA days

The total installed capacity went up from 89,167 MW in 1998 to 112,689 MW, an increase of 23,522 MW over the NDA tenure.

The increase in generation capacity during the 9 years of UPA has been more than four times than the capacity addition during the 5 years of NDA rule in the country.

India is now the 6th largest producer of power in the world and has a total installed capacity of 2,11,766 MW of power (as of Jan 31, 2013).

Rural Electrification

When the UPA government took office in May 2004, 4.74 lakh villages had access to electricity while close to 1.2 lakh of our villages had no access to electricity..

The Congress-led UPA government has seen major progress in rural electrification as we have taken electricity to about 1 lakh villages, and illuminated the lives of more than 1.75 crore BPL families across the country. As of 30 April 2013, there were 33,060 villages which still did not have electricity and our focus is to take electricity to every Indian home.

Civil Nuclear Energy

India presently has an installed power capacity of 2.11 lakh MW but only 4780 MW from this is coming from our nuclear power plants, 2.5% of the installed capacity. We are now working towards increasing this to 63,000 MW by the year 2032. The Congress-led UPA believes that safe nuclear energy is critical for the future of India.

In 2006-07 our nuclear power generation was 18,634 (MUs), and it rose to 32,863 (MUs) in 2012–13. Our capacity factor has also gone up from 63% to 80% in the same period. In addition to the plants at Tarapur, Rajasthan, Madras, Kaiga, Narora and Kakrapar, the Nuclear Power Corporation of India Ltd (NPCIL) has new projects at Kudankulam, Rajasthan and Kakrapar under construction.

HIGHEST PRIORITY TO CREATION OF PHYSICAL INFRASTRUCTURE

India has thesecond largest number of PPP projects in infrastructure in the world.

projectsan investment ofRs 40,99,240 crore ($1025 billion). The Plan envisages that the private sector will share 47% of the investment.

Roads and Highways

With 3.34 million (33.4 lakh) kilometers of roads, India has the second largest road network in the world.

Shri Rajiv Gandhi’s government established the National Highway Authority in 1988. At present, the total length of National Highways in the country is 79,243 kilometers.

Golden Quadrilateral

The NDA launched Golden Quadrilateral project was supposed to be completed by December 2004, but it was only 23% Complete by April 2003.

The Planning Commission’s mid-term appraisal of the 10th Plan in September 2004 found only 2198 kms out of 5846kms – 37% - had been completed. The entire project has been completed under the UPA, 97% in its first term.

The UPA had finished Phase II of National Highways Development Project in 2009, and as of February 2013, 52% of Phase III had been completed.

Rural Road Network

More than 2 lakh kilometers of new roads have been added to the rural road network in the last 9 years (Ref graph above).

During 2001-02 to 2003-04 (NDA period) the expenditure on Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana was Rs 9,682 crore. while from 2009-10 to 2012-13, during UPA it was Rs 56,251 crore This means an increase of 480% (Ref Graph Above).

Road construction has been one of the major weapons of the government against the Left Wing insurgency that affects many parts of central India. By December 2012, 2579 km of roads had been laid in the area out of a target of 5487 km.

Out of the total length of 66,000 km of various works under NHDP Phases - 24087 kms of work had been completed as on December 2012.

Railways

Construction activity is under progress on the Western and Eastern Dedicated Freight Corridors, which are targeted for completion by March 2017.

Indian Railways enter One Billion Tonne (1010 million tonnes) select club after exceeding the revised Freight Loading target for the year 2012-13. Only China, Russia and the USA are other members of this club.

The number of passenger trains have increased from 8,897 in 2001-02, to 12,335 in 2011-12. The number of consequential train accidents per million train km have decreased from 0.41 in 2003-04 to 0.13 at the end of 2011-12.

The Kashmir Valley was connected by rail through the Qazigund-Banihal rail link that was inaugurated by Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh and Congress president Smt Sonia Gandhi on 26 June, 2013.

Arunachal Pradesh will be soon be brought into the rail network with the UPA government ready to commission the Harmuti-Naharlagun line. The UPA has given special emphasis to rail connectivity to North East, with projects in Meghalaya, Manipur, Mizoram, Tripura, Nagaland and Assam.

Shipping – Ports and Inland Waterways

The National Maritime Development Programme, comprising 387 projects, has been completed.

Shipping Tonnage under the Indian Flag also crossed the 10 million Gross Tonnage (GT) target set for the XI Plan with a total tonnage of 11.03 million GT.

Five waterways have so far been declared as National Waterways of India till date. Out of which, two National Waterways have been declared by the UPA in 2008.

In 2012, the capacity of major ports increased from 696.53 to 748 MMTPA. The government is planning to create two new major ports in West Bengal and Andhra Pradesh.

Civil Aviation

India would be the third largest aviation market by 2020. The single most important policy decision which may transform the civil aviation sector in India has been, to allow 49% FDI by the foreign carriers in domestic airlines.

Currently India is the 9th largest aviation market handling 121 million domestic and 41 million international passengers.

Five major airports have been operationalised under PPP mode at New Delhi, Mumbai, Bangalore, Hyderabad and Cochin. Two metro airports at Kolkata and Chennai have been completed and new airports and terminals have been constructed at Jalgaon, Lucknow, Indore, Rajahmundry, Bhubhaneshwar, Ranchi, Puducherry and Gondia. New airports have been planned for Navi Mumbai, Juhu, Goa, Pune and Kannur. Tiruchirapalli, Coimbatore, Mangalore, Varanasi and Lucknow airports have been declared as international airports. New small airports are being built at 50 other locations,.

Power Sector

India has added more capacity for power generation in the last 9 years than in the entire preceding period since independence. A capacity of 54,964 MW has been added in the 11th Plan. This is 160% higher than the 10th Plan, when NDA was at the helm (Ref Graph Below).

The per capita consumption of electricity has increased from 559 kWh in 2002 to 813 kWh in 2011. The UPA has implemented the Rajiv Gandhi Grameen Vidyutikaran Yojana to electrify over one lakh un-electrified villages and to provide free electricity connection to 2.34 crore rural BPL households.

Under the UPA, India has ended its decade old isolation in the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) by getting a waiver. More than 35 countries supported India’s cause of getting nuclear material for its civil nuclear needs.

The installed nuclear power generation capacity in the country has increased by 1,000 MW to 5,780MW. Seven nuclear power reactors are under construction, which will add 5,300 MW of installed capacity. Under the UPA, electricity generation from nuclear power reached a record high of 32,863 million units during 2012-13.

India has emerged has emerged as a leader in Asia and holds 4th rank worldwide in wind power. The total installed capacity of grid-interactive renewable power reached 28,000 MW, which historically, is highest ever. The UPA has launched the Jawaharlal Nehru National Solar Mission. Phase-1 of the mission which targets 1,000 MW has been completed.

Telecom

Under the UPA, there has been a 26% yearly growth rate in teledensity. The investment in telecommunication sector reached Rs 344,921 crore (US$ 63.7 billion) by the end of 2012.

Rural Teledensity which was 1.57 under NDA, is now 40.36 in 2012 (UPA)

More than 485 Million people enjoy Internet and Broadband Services in some form or the other.

Broadband will reach 2.5 lakh villages by 2014. The telecom revolution has been made possible by the fact that India has one of the lowest telecom prices in the world.

Delhi-Mumbai Industrial Corridor

Plans for 7 new cities have been finalised and work on 2 new smart industrial cities at Dholera, Gujarat and Shendra Bidkin, Maharashtra has already started. This project also incorporates 9 Mega Industrial zones of about 200-250 sq. km as well as 3 ports and 6 airports.

But Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has given his approval to the Amritsar – Kolkata Industrial Corridor, which is expected to benefit close to 40% of India’s population.

NEED FOR URBAN SECTOR DEVELOPMENT

In order to tackle rapid urbanization and mass migration to our cities, the Congress-led UPA government in 2005 started the Jawaharlal Nehru Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM) – for fast track planned development of identified cities.

The scheme has had an outlay of over Rs 1 lakh crore in more than 60 cities across India.

The share of urban population may increase to about 40 per cent of total population by the year 2021. It is estimated that by the year 2011, urban areas would contribute about 65 per cent of gross domestic product (GDP).

Investment Requirements in the Urban Sector

It is estimated that over a seven-year period, the Urban Local Bodies (ULBs) would require a total investments of Rs. 1,20,536 crores. This includes investment in basic infrastructure and services, that is, annual funding requirement of Rs. 17,219 crores.

Thus, the National Common Minimmum Programme of the UPA Government attaches the highest priority to the development and expansion of physical infrastructure.

JNNURM aims to to encourage reforms and fast track planned development of identified cities. Focus is to be on efficiency in urban infrastructure and service delivery mechanisms, community participation, and accountability of ULBs/ Parastatal agencies towards citizens.

As on 30 June 2012, 554 projects at a total cost of Rs 62,253 Crore have been sanctioned under the Urban infrastructure & Governance sub-mission of JNNURM. Additionally under UIDSSMT, 807 projects at a total cost of Rs 14, 021 Crore have been sanctioned.

Objectives of JNNURM

Focused attention to integrated development of infrastructure services in cities covered under the Mission;

Establishment of linkages between asset-creation and asset-management through a slew of reforms for long-term project sustainability;

Ensuring adequate funds to meet the deficiencies in urban infrastructural services;.

Planned development of identified cities including peri-urban areas, outgrowths and urban corridors leading to dispersed urbanisation;

Scale-up delivery of civic amenities and provision of utilities with emphasis on universal access to the urban poor;

Special focus on urban renewal programme for the old city areas to reduce congestion; and

Provision of basic services to the urban poor including security of tenure at affordable prices, improved housing, water supply and sanitation, and ensuring delivery of other existing universal services of the government for education, health and social security.

"We must develop.. atomic energy quite apart from war .. indeed I think we must develop it for the purpose of using it for peaceful purposes. ...Of course, if we are compelled as a nation to use it for other purposes, possibly no pious sentiments of any of us will stop the nation from using it that way.."

Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru

Establishing Nuclear Detterence

The country has always protected its sovereign right to use nuclear power as a deterrent against forces who threaten us with a nuclear apocalypse.

Shortly after gaining Independence the Atomic Energy Commission of India was created and headed by noted physicist Homi Jahangir Bhabha who chaired the Commission between 1948 and 1966. In this period that we made strong progress in developing indigenous nuclear technology and this process was taken forward under the leadership of Vikram Sarabhai (1966-1971).

Smt. Indira Gandhi took forward Pandit Nehru’s vision to make India self-sufficient and authorised the development of India’s nuclear weapons programme in 1967. Our first nuclear test to establish a nuclear deterrent was Operation ‘Smiling Buddha' at the Pokhran Test Range on 18 May 1974 under the leadership of Smt. Indira Gandhi as the Prime Minister.

The initiation of the nuclear programme was also necessitated by the nuclear tests conducted by the People’s Republic of China, which appeared to be an act of nuclear intimidation.

But for Indira ji, the programme was not just a defensive measure. It was a symbol of India’s national power and a step towards establishing India's stability and security interests as independent from those of the nuclear superpowers.

The programme became fully mature in 1974, when Dr Raja Ramanna reported to Smt. Gandhi that India had the ability to test its first nuclear weapon. Indira ji gave verbal authorisation for this test, and preparations were made in a long-constructed army base, the Indian Army Pokhran Test Range.

On 18 May 1974, India successfully conducted an underground nuclear test, unofficially code named as'Smiling Buddha', near the desert village of Pokhran in Rajasthan.

Indira ji made it a point to send a letter to her Pakistani counterpart Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, assuring that the tests were for peaceful purposes and that they were part of India’s commitment to develop a nuclear programme for industrial and scientific use.

India became the first country outside the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council to conduct a nuclear test. It created a powerful nuclear deterrence against forces which could have thought of using nuclear weapons against India.

Nuclear Disarmament

India remains firmly committed to Nuclear Disarmament and this is particularity evident in the crucial steps taken by Shri Rajiv Gandhi in that direction. In his address to the UN General Assembly on 9 June 1988, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi had presented to the world a time-bound action plan to usher in a world free of nuclear weapons.

This action plan was to have been implemented in three stages over the next 22 years. At that time, such plan was revolutionary, as the world was then divided into two competing power blocks.

The essential features of the plan were:

First, there should be a binding commitment by all nations to eliminating nuclear weapons in stages, by the year 2010 at the latest.

Second, all nuclear weapon States must participate in the process of nuclear disarmament. All other countries must also be part of the process.

Third, to demonstrate good faith and build the required confidence, there must be tangible progress at each stage towards the common goal.

Fourth, changes are required in doctrines, policies and institutions to sustain a world free of nuclear weapons. Negotiations should be undertaken to establish a Comprehensive Global Security System under the aegis of the United Nations.

Rajiv ji also played a leading role in the Six Nation Initiative for Disarmament.

During his address to the UN General Assembly, he said: “The Six-Nation Initiative voiced the hopes and aspirations of these many millions. At a time when relations between the two major nuclear weapon states dipped to their nadir, the Six Nations – Argentina, Greece, India, Mexico, Sweden and Tanzania refocused world attention on the imperative of nuclear disarmament…India believes it is possible for the human race to survive the second millennium. India believes it is also possible to ensure peace, security and survival into the third millennium and beyond. The way lies through concerted action…The battle for peace, disarmament and development must be waged both within this Assembly and outside by the peoples of the world. This battle should be waged in cooperation with scientists, strategic thinkers and leader of peace movements who have repeatedly demonstrated their commitment to those ideals. We, therefore, seek their cooperation in securing the commitment of all nations and all peoples to the goal of a non-violent world order free of nuclear weapons.”